Commentary on Genesis and Exodus, Commentary · Chapter 11

Commentary on Genesis and Exodus · Commentary · Chapter 11

p. 106CHAP. XI.

1. The Method and contents of the Chapter.

THis Chapter hath two parts: 1. It entreateth of the attempt of the carnall and worldly sort, in building the tower of Babel: where is expressed, first their attempt, with the circumstances: 1. Who they were, vers. 1. 2. Where, vers. 2. 3. Of what matter, vers. 3. what they went about, to build a tower. 4. Wherefore, to get them a name, vers. 4. Secondly, the disappointing of this their purpose by the Lord: his consultation, vers. 6, 7. the execution, 8, 9.

2. The second part containeth a genealogie of the faithfull; first of Abrahams progenitors, from vers. 10. to 27. described every one, 1. by their names; 2. their age, both before they begat children, and afterward: 3. their issue, first of the righteous, then of other sonnes and daughters: secondly, of Abraham his birth, with his children, vers. 27. his marriage, vers. 29. his travell, departing with his father out of Chaldea.

2. The divers readings.

v. 2. It came to passe. S. Ch. it fell out. Tr. and as &c. G. when they went. B. it was, as they went. A. heb. as they went in the beginning.differ. ver. Chal. cor. S.H. cor. Ch. cor. Hier. prop. pro appell. differen. ver. Ch. as they went from the East. cat.

v. 4. Before we be dispersed. S.H. lest we be dispersed: cater. pen. lest, &c.

v. 5. The Lord appeared, to be revenged over the worke of the City. Ch. the Lord came downe to see, &c. caet. Which the sonnes of Adam had made. H. sonnes of men. cater.

7. That they heare not. S.H. Ch. understand not one anothers speech: cat. shamang, to heare, understand.

9. The name was called confusion, foreign, S. Babel. cat. ballall, to confound.

12. Arphacsad lived an hundred five and thirty: S. five and thirty. caet. and begat Cainan. S. the rest have not Cainan.

S. add. So readeth the vulgar Latine in the great Bible.13. Arphaxad lived 430. yeares. S. 303. yeares: Hier. 403. yeares. c…t. And Cainan lived an 130. yeares, and begat Sela: and Cainan lived after he begat Sela, 330. yeares, and begat sonnes and daughters: all this is added by the Septuag. which is not in the Hebrew.

p. 10714. Sela lived an 130. S. 30. yeares: caet.S. add. S. ad. Sep. det. S. ad. S. det. S. cor. add. differ. verb. S. ap fpr. diff. pronun….

15. And he lived 330. yeares: caeter.

16. For 34. the S. read an. 134. vers. 17. for 430. they read 370. vers. 18. for 30. yeares, the S. have an 130. vers. 20. for 32. yeares, they read, an 132. vers. 22. for 30. yeares, the S. read an 130. vers. 2, 4. for 29. yeares. an 170. yeares, vers. 25. for an 119. S. read an 125.

28. ante, before. H.G. foreign, in the presence of Thare. S.T.B. Thare yo… living. Ch. before the face, heb. P. that is in the presence.

30. Sara. S. Sarai. caeter. sic etiam hebr.

31. Out of the region of the Chaldeans. S. from Vr of the Chaldeans. caet. and they came to Ara… ▪ H. Ch. Haran. B.G. Charran. S.T.P. so it is read, Act. 7, heb. Charan.

3. The Explanation of doubts.

QVEST. I. Who and from whence, and for what they came that built Babel.

Vers. 1. All of one speech, vers. 2. went from the East. 1. By this it is evident, that all the world at the first used but one language, which was the Hebrew tongue, preserved still in Hebers familie: but whether they used the same dialect, and stile of speech, as Aben Ezra, and the same manner of pronouncing, as Cajetane thinke, is uncertaine. 2. These that came into the Plaine, were not as Cajetane thinketh, some certaine men: or as Rasi, onelyonly the posterity of Sem, whom Ramban confuteth, but generally all: for the language of the whole world was confounded and changed at the building of the Tower: But Abraham could not be of this number, as Aben Ezra, being yet unborne: And whither Noah removed, it is uncertaine: but it is most sure,Whether all the people of the world came. that he joyned not with the unruly company in their proud enterprises. 3. They came from the East: that is that part of Armenia, where the Arke landed being afraid at the first, as Iosephus conjectureth, because of the late floud to leave the hilly Countrey▪ But by degrees they descended, first dwelling in the hils, afterward at the bottome and foot of the hils,Lib. 1. antiqu. then they sought into the plaines: either to seeke more roome for their multitudes, that were increased, or of an ambitious minde, not contented with their lot, or for both. 4. They came into the land Sinhar, or Singar, not in Pontus, as the Hierosolim: but in Mesopotamia where is the hill Singara: which Rupertus will have to signifie, excussio dentium; the sm…ting out of the teeth: because their language was smitten, which is caused by the teeth: for so shingar may be derived of Shen, a tooth, and gaurah, to evacuate. 5. Neither is it like that they beganne to build Babel, as soone as they came into the Plaine, or that they were penned up an hundred yeares, in the hillie Countrey of Armenia: (for so long it was from the floud to the confusion of the tongues,) but after they were descended into this plaine Countrey, then when they espied their time, they entred into this consultation.

QVEST. II. Why they built of bricke.

Vers. 3. COme let us make bricke, &c. The reason why they resolved to build of bricke, was neither for the continuance, as Iosephus thinketh: for though bricke buildings are very durable, as Plinie testifieth, there were to be seene at Babylon that had lasted 700. yeares:Ioseph. lib. 1. antiquit. Plin. lib. 5. c. 5…. quest. 2. yet edifices of hewen stone are stronger: as it is, Isay 9.10. The brickes are fallen, but we will build with hewen stones. 2. Neither did they so, as some imagine, to provide against the second destruction of the world by fire, as Noahs Arke was a refuge for the water: because brick work will endure the fire: for they were not so foolish to imagine, that the whole world could be preserved in one Tower: and though the building might stand against the rage of fire, yet the men enclosed should not be able to endure the heat. 3. But the cause of chusing this matter for building was the necessity of the place, Mercer. where stone was not to be had: and yet the earth of that plaine being of a fat and slimie substance, was very fit to make bricke: which was the cause why Pharao built his Cities in the plaine Countrey of Egypt of brickes, Exod. 1. and beside, that region afforded a kinde of naturall lime, of slimie nature like pitch, which issued forth of the River Is,Herod…. in Clion. Strabo. lib. 16. What then slimy matter was which they used for morter. in great abundance, as Herodotus saith, and out of a fountaine neere to Naptha, which in the Babylonian language signifieth liquid Pitch, or Brimstone, Strabo. 4. This stuffe which they used for morter, was neither argilla, a kinde of Potters clay, as Vatablus, nor yet Cr…ta chalke, as Oleaster, or lu…um, a soft earth, as Pagnine: nor calx viva, lime, as Diodor. Tharsense. but as the Hebrew word chemer signifieth, which the Septuag. translate asphalto… ; it was a reddish sulphurious earth, clammie like pitch, which was in stead of camentum, as Hieron. or intritum. Tremell. morter: so that this chem…r, slimie earth, was in stead of chomer, morter: by which meanes of bricke and bitumen Semiramis afterward enlarged the wals of Babylon. Perer.

QVEST. III. Who was the chiefe in this worke.

vers. 4. LEt us build a City and Tower. 1. Cajetane gathereth from hence,I…s. lib. 1. antiqu. Aug. lib 16. de Civi…. cap. 4. Nimrod beginneth, the rest consent. that all the people of the world were not here assembled, because one City could not suffice for them all: But that is no reason, for they built not this City for the habitation of all, but to be a monument of their fame, and as the chiefe City of all other which they should build afterwards. 2. Nimrod seemeth to have beene the captaine and ring-leader of this company: for Babel was the beginning of his Kingdome, Gen. 10.10. so thinketh Iosephus and Augustine. 3 Though the counsell came first from Nimrod, or some few: abiit tandem in …udium catholicum: it grew to be the catholike, that is common desire of all. Muscul.

p. 108QUEST. IV. Of the heighth of the tower of Babel.

WHose top shall reach to heaven.] 1. It is not like, that as Augustine supposeth they indeed thought to build a tower so high, whose top should touch the clouds: quest. 21. in Gen. and so these words to be taken according to their literall sound. 2. And that report of Abydenus, cited by Eusebius, is to be held but a fable,Euseb. lib. 9. de prepar. Evangel. c. 9. that when they had builded almost up to heaven: i… was tumbled downe by a mighty wind: and it is very like, that the Poets tooke occasion hereby to devise that fiction of the warre of the Giants, and their laying the great hils of Pelion, Ossa, Olympus, one upon another to climbe up to heaven. 2. Neither to answer the objection of the heathen, who tooke exception to this story, it being unpossible, though all the earth were laid for a foundation, to build up to heaven, need we with Philo, to make an allegory of the building of this Tower, who understandeth thereby their proud and high attempts against God. 3. Neither yet is it like as Berosus Annianus, that they reared this tower so high to make it equall to the mountaines: or that as Iosephus writeth, they imagined to bring it so high, and accordingly performed it, that it exceeded the mountaines in height, to be a defence from like generall floud: or that this tower was foure miles high, as Hierome saith he was enformed by some: in 14. Esai. much lesse 27. miles high, as some Hebrewes imagine. 4. But in these words there is an hyperbolicall speech (wherein more is expressed, than meant usuall, both in the Scriptures, and in forraine writers: as Deuter. 1.28. Their Cities are walled up to heaven: their meaning then is, that they would build this tower exceeding high: And it is very like that it was of a very great and unwonted height, although no certainty thereof is extant in any writer:Lib. 1. Stadium containeth an 135. paces, whereof eight make a mile. How long the tower of Babel continued Diodor. Lib. 3. c. 4. quest. 55. in Genes. Herodotus speaketh of a Temple consecrate to Belus in Babylon, foure square, containing two stadia or furlongs in breadth, and a tower in the middest, being one furlong in height, and another above that, till it came to eight one above another: so that by this account, it should seeme to have beene an Italian mile in heighth: Diodor. saith, it was so high, that the Chaldeans made it a Sea marke: Plinie writeth, that it continued till his time: and Hierome, that it remained till his: and Theodoret also in his memorie. The Hebrewes thinke, that one third part of this tower sunke, another was burnt, the third part stood: but howsoever that were, it is like that some part of it remained as a perpetuall monument of their pride and follie, Mercer.

QVEST. V. What moved the Babylonians to build this tower.

4. THat we may get us a name, lest we be scattered, &c. 1. It is not like that they built this tower to keepe them from the like generall inundation: as Iosephus thinketh, for they could not be ignorant, that God had made a covenant with Noah never to destroy the world so againe. 2. Neither did they make this bricke tower, to be a defence against the rage of fire, wherewith they knew the world should be destroyed: for what was one tower to save the whole world. 3. But one cause might be of the building of this tower, the ambitious desire of dominion, as Hugo saith, Factum esse cupiditate regnandi: Nimrod set forwards this worke, that it might be the beginning and chiefe of his kingdome, Genes. 10.10. 4. Another reason is here expressed, lest they should be dispersed, not as the Latine Interpreter, before they should be dispersed: for they knew it not: they built them a City and Tower, to maintaine society, that they might dwell together, and not be scattered here and there: and Iosephus thinketh that they did it of purpose to oppose themselves against the ordinance and commandement of God, who would have them dispersed into divers parts, that the world might be replenished. 5. As also another end of their purpose is here insinuated: to get them a name: as the Psalme saith, They thinke their houses shall endure for ever, and they call their lands by their names, Psal. 49.11. as Absolon reared up a pillar, to keepe his name in remembrance, 2 Sam. 18.18. and Philo saith, that these Babylonians did write their names also in this tower, to revive their memories with posterity.

QVEST. VI. Whether they sinned in building this Tower.

Tostatus paradox confuted.HEnce appeareth Tostatus errour, that thinketh, it was not a sinne in them to build this tower to preserve their memory, because he thinketh that Noah was one of the chiefe builders: and that God hindred this worke, not because it was evill, but for that it hindred a greater good, namely, the peopling and replenishing of the world. But the contrary is evident, that they greatly sinned in this their proud enterprise. 1. Their impiety toward God appeareth: Augustine saith, erigebant turrim contra dominum, they erected a tower in despite of God:August. lib 4. de civit. Dei. c. 4. as the Prophet Isay according to this paterne bringeth in the King of Babel vaunting himselfe. I will ascend above the height of the clouds, I will be like the most high, Isay 14.14. 2. Their vanity appeareth that seek to be famous in earth, not by good works to be glorious in heaven Calvin: vide radicem mali; saith Chrysostome, see the root of evill, they seeke to be famous, …dificiis non ele…m…synis, by buildings, not by almes: 3. Iosephus noteth, their disobedience, that knowing, as it is most like from Noah, that it was Gods ordinance, that by them the earth should be replenished, yet wilfully oppose themselves to the counsell of God: 4. Philo observeth their impudency: ô insignem impudentiam, that whereas, they should rather have covered their sinnes, they proclaime their pride, tyranny, voluptuousnesse to all posterity.

Noah whether present.It is uncertaine whether Noah were present: it is most like he was not, or that he consented not unto them: And it appeareth by the punishment, that God misliked their very act: for he saith, vers. 6. neither can they now be stopped from whatsoever they have imagined: that is, they proceeded with a violent rage, that nothing could stay them, neither the feare of God, nor the expectation of his judgements: but whatsoever they had proudly devised, they will as wickedly prosecute.

p. 109QVEST. VII. How the Lord is said to descend.

Vers. 5. BVt the Lord came downe to see the City, &c. God is not said to descend to see, 1. as though any thing hindred his sight in heaven: for all things are naked and open to his eyes. II. b…. 4.13. 2. Neither as though God went from place to place, or were absent any where: for the Lord filleth heaven and earth: heaven is my throne, earth is my footstoole, &c. what place is it that I should rest in? Act. 7.49.

But the Lord is said to descend to see, &c. 1. In respect of the new effect, in manifesting his judgement; re ipsa patefecit: he shewed indeed, that hee was not ignorant what hee did. Augustine, Calvin. 2. Or for that he caused his Angels to descend, and so is said to descend in his Ministers. Augustine. 3. Or as Cajetane, quia extendit se cura & providentia usque ad infima: Dei civit. Dei. l…b. 16 c…p 5.because God extendeth his care even unto the lowest things in the world: as it is in the Psalme; Who is like unto the Lord, &c. who abaseth himselfe to behold things in the heaven and earth? Psal, 113.5. 4. God hereby also sheweth his patience, non ab initio illorum repressi… insaniam, &c. he did not at the first represse their madnesse, but used lenity towards them. 5. Vult nos admoneri, ne fratres temere condemnemus, &c. God would have us taught hereby, not rashly to condemne our brethren. Chrysost. God therefore giveth a rule to man, first to examine a cause before they judge, as the Lord first seeth and knoweth before he punisheth. Muscul. 6. And by descending, here is understood the punishment which followed: as if God should have said, Non amplius dissimul…mus eorum s…elira, sed quam primum ea puniamus: Let us no longer winke at their sinnes, but presently punish them, Rabbi Moses: Aegyptius. Basil maketh this distinction, that God de coelo aspicit, Basil. in Psal. 32. descending taken not alwaies in evill part.Ps 32is said from heaven to behold the righteous: but descendendo dicitvr invisere deus, &c. God is said to descend to visit the ungodly: but this distinction alwayes holdeth not; for both the Lord is said to looke downe from heaven upon the wicked. Psal. 141. and the Lord is said to descend for the deliverance of his people. Exod. 3.8.

QVEST. VIII. To whom God spake, saying, come let us goe downe.

Vers. 7. COme let us goe downe, &c. 1. The Lord speaketh not here to the Angels, as August. Gregory, Philo, Cajetane, with others; or to the persons of the Trinity and Angels together, Mercer. 2. But this is the consultation of the whole Trinity, as v. 8. it is said, Iehovah scattered them. This speech is answerable to that, Gen. 1. in the creation of man: Come let us make man: and those to whom God speaketh here, hee maketh as equall in the same degree, Come let us goe downe: Raban. in Glos. …. R…pert. li. 4. in Genes. c. 42. Lib. de con…us. linguar. How God speaketh to Angels. Aug. lib. 16. de civ. Dei. c. 6. Lib. 2. moral. in 1. cap. Iob.Gen 42sic Raban. Rupert. Calvin. 3. God indeed sometime useth the ministery of Angels, not that he needeth their helpe; but as Philo saith, videt quid se, quid creaturas deceat, God seeth what is meet for himselfe, what for the creatures: for God is more honoured in such Ministers, and mens infirmity thereby helped. But at this time, and in this case, God needed not the ministery of Angels: this confusion of tongues was his immediate worke, as was the gift of tongues, Acts 1.4. Wherefore to dispute there, how God speaketh to Angels and invisible spirits, is superfluous, which may notwithstanding bee done two wayes: either, as Augustine saith, veritas incommutabilis per seipsam ineffabiliter loquitur: the unchangeable verity speaketh by it selfe after an ineffable manner, Gregory sheweth another way, Quicquid agere debent in ipsa contemplatione veritatis legunt, &c. They do as it were read in the contemplation of the verity, what they should doe. The Angels are either inspired by God to know his wil, or they behold in God, as the Schoolemen say, as in a glasse, what is to be done. But the first is the way, whereby God speaketh to Angels, the other is but a speculatiō of man.

QVEST. IX. Whose language was confounded.

Vers. 7. ANd confound their languages, &c. 1. Pride bringeth confusion of tongues, humility as in the Apostles obtained uniting of tongues, Act. 2. Greg. 2. It appeareth how hurtfull the conspiracy of the wicked is, for if now in the beginning,Greg. hom. 30. in Evangel. Hom. 30. in Genes. they abused the uniting of their tongues to so great madnesse, how outragious is it like they would have beene afterward, when their multitudes had beene more increased. Chrysost. 3. Not every mans language was confounded, for then all society would have beene taken away even in families, but the speech of certaine kindreds and companies was changed.

QVEST. X. What caused them to leave off building.

Vers. 8. THey left off building, &c. 1. The confusion then of tongues made them leave off building, not any great wind or tempest that tumbled downe their worke, as Sybilla and Abidenus in Eusebius, neither were the tongues confounded by little and little, as Aben Ezra, but all at once.Euseb. lib. 9. de prepar. Evangel. c. ult. Mercer. 2. The building of the City was intermitted for an hundred yeares, untill Semiramis: but the Tower of Babel was not heightened, but only enclosed in the Temple of Belus, which continued till Herodotus time, an 1400. yeares. Perer.

QVEST. XI. Of the name of Babel.

Vers. 9. THe name was called Babel. 1. It was not so called of Belus, as some have imagined, but of confusion, for so Ballal signifieth. 2. Neither was it ever called foreign, which betokeneth confusion in the greeke tongue, as the Septuagint, but after the Hebrew. 3. So God disappointed them of their purpose, that where they looked to gaine credit, they found shame and confusion: vide quot res siant, Hom. 30. in Gen.&c. behold how many things were done, saith Chrysostome, to keepe a memory of this fact: for Phaleg had his name of this division: Babel of the confusion of tongues: and of Heber, in whom the holy tongue remained unchanged, that language tooke the name: sic Chrysost. Perer.

p. 110QVEST. XII. Why God saw it good to disperse the people.

FRom thence the Lord did scatter them, &c. 1. They were not then scattered before, as some thinke, but now upon this occasion they began to be divided into all quarters. 2. Though this division of tongues were imposed upon them as a judgement: yet God turneth it to the benefit of the world, in dispersing them, which was many wayes profitable: both because, if they had continued in one place, many goodly Countries in the world should have lyen desart, waste, and untilled. As also sufficient food could not have beene provided in one place, for such a multitude. And further, if they had continued together, they might have beene in greater hazard by warre or pestilence: as also wicked people inhabiting together, would have beene more stronge to doe mischiefe.

QVEST. XIII. That the Hebrew tongue was the common language of all the world.

Lib. 16. de Civit. Dei. …. 11. &. 18.39.NOw if any be desirous to know what language this was, which before this confusion of tongues was used through the world: it is agreed by the most learned interpreters, that it was the Hebrew. 1. Augustines reason is, Quoniam in familia Heber communis omnium lingua remansit, because the Hebrew tongue is so called of Heber, in whose family that which was the common tongue before remained: that tongue which Heber used before the division of tongues, was the common speech, but that was the Hebrew. 2. Hieromes reason to prove the Hebrew to bee matricem, the mother of all other languages; is because every tongue hath borrowed some words of the Hebrew, as the Greeke foreign, which is the same in Hebrew pherion. Cantic. 3.9. a bed or beare: so the Latine hath borrowed the word nugas, which is in Hebrew nuge. Sophon. 3.18. where Hierome in his translation keepeth the same word:In 3. cap. Sophon. In cap. 7. Isaia. so saccus, a sacke, as Oleaster noteth, commeth of the Hebrew. Hierom likewise sheweth, that gnalmah signifieth a Virgin both in the Hebrew and Punicke language, from whence the Latine alma seemeth to be derived: Many words also are used in our English tongue, derived from the Hebrew, as fag which is a figge. The Grecians further seeme to have derived the word foreign,Other tongues borrow of the Hebrew. he done, pleasure, from Heden the place where Paradise was: the Latines call Whales thynn…s, of the Hebrew tavaim: the Italians call a thing that is light and vaine, Bay, of the Hebrew Bohu: the French of Gallia Narbonens. call a species or kinde, meane, of the Hebrew min. 3. Tostatus reason is, because these names, which were first given, as of Adam, Eve, Cain, Seth, are Hebrew words, as may appeare by their severall derivations in that tongue: as the first so called of the red earth, the second because she was mother of all living, the third a possession, the fourth because he was put in Abels place. 4. Cajetanus proveth the same by the word Jehova, which is an Hebrew word, used before the floud, and the name Babel given unto the tower in this place. 5. Oleaster bringeth these reasons: that it is most like, that the common language remained there, where the first division of tongues was made, namely in Babylon, the Chalde therefore and Hebrew, betweene the which there is great affinity, are most like to be the most ancient: as also for that this was the language of the East: from whence they came which builded Babel.

It appeareth then, that Philo is in an error, that thinketh the Chalde tongue to be the most ancient: true it is, that Nahor, Thare, Abraham, dwelt in Chaldea, but yet they spake the Hebrew tongue, and so in that respect it may be called the Chaldean tongue, because some Chaldeans used that language: like as the Syriake tongue, which the Jewes used in our Saviour Christs time, might bee called the Hebrew language, because the Hebrewes used it, Mercer.

QVEST. XIV. Whether the Hebrew or Syriake be most ancient.

HEnce also it is evident, that Theodoret was much deceived. 1. He thinketh that the Syriacke tongue was the most ancient,Theodorets opinion examined. because those names, Adam, Cain, Abel, are Syriacke names. Answ. The Syriake or Chaldaike, and Arabike language, were derived as Rivers out of the fountaine of the Hebrew: and therefore it is no strange thing, if some Hebrew words are retained in those languages. 2. He thinketh that the Hebrew speech was not so called of Heber, for then all the posterity of Heber, as the Syrians, Idumeans, Ismaelites, Ammonites, should also speake that language. Ans. Augustine giveth the reason hereof: that they were called Hebrewes only among whom & lingua prior & pietas conservaretur, where both the ancient tongue, and religion were preserved: although Heber was the father of many nations beside, yet they beare his name, that did heire his faith. 3. Theodoret thinketh, that the Hebrew tongue was brought in by Moses, and was not the naturall speech of the Israelites, but such as they learned: for the Jewes at this day naturally speake the language of the Countrey, where they are borne: they doe learne the Hebrew by teaching. Answ. 1. It is evident by those ancient Hebrew names of Adam, Cain, Abel, that the Hebrew tongue was used before Moses time. 2. While the Hebrewes lived in their owne nation and common-wealth,Whether Moses brought in the Hebrew tongue and letters. August. lib. 18. de Civit-Dei, c. 18. they naturally from their mothers breasts speake that language, but now being dispersed into divers nations, not conversing together, they are forced to use that Countrey speech where they dwell. 3. Augustine thinketh, that not onelyonly the Hebrew tongue, but the Hebrew letters were used and well knowne before Moses: and he doth gather it from that place, Deut. 31.28. where the Septuagint translate the word, shoterim grammat… Isagogis, the teachers, instructers, or beginners in letters. But it is very like, howsoever this place giveth no strength to it, in that the people were commanded to write the Law upon the posts of their gates, that the Hebrew letters were then very well knowne, not as newly taken up, but used of long time.

p. 111QVEST. XV. Of the number of languages.

COncerning the number of the tongues and languages, which were divided in the building of the tower of Babel: the common and received opinion is, of Epiphanius, Hierome, Augustine, Epiph. in Pana… ▪ Hier. in 26. Mar. August. lib. 16. de civi. Dei. c. 3.that they were 72. according to the number of the families rehearsed, chap. 10. Arnobius goeth further, and distinctly sheweth, how many nations and languages came of Sem, Cham, and Iapheth: upon these words, Psal. 105.8. he hath remembred his promise, that he made to a thousand generations: hee sheweth that there are in the world a thousand generations, and 72. languages: from Persia to the Indians and Bactrians of Sem, he maketh 27, languages and 406. nations: from Euphrates and Nilus, to the Gades, of Cham, 394. nations, 22. languages from Tigris westward of Iapheth, were multiplied 200. nations, and 23. tongues,: e… Perer. But this is set downe onelyonly by meere gesse and conjecture, that there should be divided 72: languages: for there are but 70. fathers named: 14: of Iapheth, 31: of Cham: 25. of Sem, Whether 72. languages then tooke beginning.for Heber and Peleg must be counted for one familie: & whereas tenne of the sonns of Noahs sonnes, are set forth with their issue and posteritie, two of Iapheth, fower of Cham, fower of Sem: they make not severall nations, without their sonnes, no more than Noahs three sonnes: and therefore tenne more must be detracted from the number of 70. and so there will remaine but 60. As Canaan must not be reckoned for a severall nation, beside those that came of him: and so of the rest. And if those whose generations are not expressed, whereof there are 11. five of Iapheth two of Cham, fower of Sem, did not make severall nations, as Augustine thinketh, but were incorporate to the rest, then so many more are wanting of this number, and there will remaine but 50. But admit that this last conjecture of Augustine be uncertaine, yet it is most probable that all the Cananites of Canaan, of whom came an eleven severall nations, as they are …ehearsed Gen. 10.15. spake but one language: Isa. 19.18. they shall speake the language of Canaan: which if it be so, then could there not be 72. languages divided, in the confusion of Babel.

Wherefore, concerning this matter, there are some things certaine, some things uncertaine: first it is certaine, that the tongues and languages were divided; then, that every particular person had not a severall language; for then there could have beene no society: but that the principall and chiefe families onelyonly had their proper speech. Secondly, as uncertaine it is, 1. whither 72. languages, or more or lesse, tooke then beginning. 2. whether some of those nations are not now utterly perished: as Pliny out of Eratosthenes alleageth, that divers people in Asia, as of the Solymans, Lelegians, Bebrycians, Calycantians, are extinguished. 3. Neither is it certaine whether every particular language now used, was then founded:Plin. li. 1. c▪ 10. or only the mother & originall tongues, out of the which other since have bin derived, which is most like. Mercer.

QVEST. XVI. Where Cainan first added to the genealogie reconciled.

Vers. 12. THe Septuagint betweene Arphacsad, and Sale, place Cainan, The place, Luke 3 93.Luke 3:93and so doth S. Luke in his Gospell, ca. 3. according to most copies, but Cainan is not found in the Hebrew: to reconcile this doubt▪ 1. We neither allow Cajetanes solution, that the septuagint have set downe the true genealogie, and that the Hebrew copies are imperfect, and have beene corrupted by the Jewes: for the Jewes had no reason to corrupt the genealogie, which giveth the Christians no advantage, neither maketh against them: and beside the Chalde Paraphrast, which is most ancient, leaveth out Cainan. 2. Neither is it like as Eugubinus saith, that the Septuagint erred herein, and that S. Luke followeth their error: for although an error may be admitted in the Septuagint, in this place▪ as in many other: yet the holy Evangelist was farre from approving their error, being directed by the spirit of God. 3. Neither doth the answer of Ioannes Lucidus, and before him, Nauclerus satisfie; that Cainan and Sal… were one and the same; and that the place in Luke should be read; which was of Sala, which was of Cainan, Luke 3.36. But this cannot be; for beside that, that there was no cause why Luke should set downe two names, only of Sala, and of none of the rest beside; in the Septuagint, Cainan is made the father and begette… of Sala. Genes. 11.4. Lippoman, and Canus answere, that as Mathewe omitteth three of the kings in his genealogie,Caten. in 11. Gen. Can. lib 2 de …. c. Theolog c. 1… betweene Ioram and Ozias, to make the line of 14. generations equall from Abraham to David, from David to the captivitie, and from thence to Christ, so Moses, to make tenne generations from Sem to Abraham, correspondent, to the ten patriarkes before the floud, might omit Cainan.

But the reason is not alike. 1. For those three Kings, Ahaziah, Ioas, Amaziah, are thought by some to to bee omitted for another cause, because they were killed for evill government. Concent. 2. And againe Moses summeth the yeeres of these Fathers, which Mathewe doth not, and therefore if Moses should of purpose leave out Cainan, a great error would fall out in the Chronologie and computation of yeares. 3. If Moses had left out Cainan to make the genealogie equall: yet if there had beene any such: hee should not have beene omitted in that catalogie of their names. 1 Chro. 1.18. where was no such cause of …mission.Iansen. in c. 14. Canc…. Evang. Gene…rd in Chrono.

5. Some thinke that the Septuagint erred in adding of Cainan, and that Luke followed that text, not approoving that error, but giving way to the time, because the Septuagint was then well knowne among the Gentiles: least if he had departed from that translation, it might have hindred the credit of his Gospell. Thus Iansenius and Genebrard among the pontificall writers: and learned Iunius, among the Protestants; who saith, that it was not foreign, but foreign, a slip or fault of memory, but a faultlesse confession in respect of the time: so also Mercerus, who thinketh that this being but a matter of genealogie, is not much to be stood vponupon, which Paul calleth foreign, endlesse, 1. Tim. 1.4:

6. But I approove rather Beza his answere, that Cainan was put into the text in Luke, by the ignorance p. 112of some that tooke upon them to correct it according to the Septuagint: for in that ancient manuscript which he followed, Cainan was not to be found: and therefore Beza in his translation upon good ground left it out, and so doth the great English Bible.

Other thinke further, that the translation of the septuagint was also herein corrupted by some: that at the first these Greeke interpreters put not in Cainan;Bervald…. Ioseph. lib. 1. antiquit. Epiphan. 55. heres. for neither Iosephus, nor Epiphanius which follow the septuagint, rehearsing the fathers before Abraham, make mention of this Cainan: and in the best Greeke copies, it is left out. 1 Chronic. 1.

QVEST. XVII. When Arphaxad was borne.

Vers. 10. BEgat Arphachsad two yeare after the floud: the question is, whereas Elam and Asshur; the sonnes of Sem are named before Arphacsad the third sonne, how Sem could have these three in two yeares; I answer, 1. Neither with Aben Ezra, that Sems wife might bee with childe in the Arke, when the waters began to decrease; for I thinke rather, that was a time of abstinency. 2. Neither, as some that for the more speedy increase of the world, children were borne in a shorter time, as at 7. moneths: 3, Nor yet that Elam and Assur might bee twins, both borne at a birth. 4. But I rather thinke that Arphacsad might be either the eldest of all, or the second of Sems sonnes; for the scripture observeth not the order of time in setting downe names, as we saw before in rehearsing of Sem, Ham, and Iapheth.

QVEST. XVIII. Why it is here omitted in the genealog. of these fathers▪ and he died.

FVrther, whereas in the Patriarkes lives before the floud, it is added, and hee died, which is omitted here; 1. Some thinke it is, to shew that Henoch died not a common death as the rest did. 2. Some to signifie, that none of them perished in the floud. 3. Some yet are more curious, a… Bahai, who thinketh, this clause, and he died, to bee here omitted▪ because Messiah was to come of this line: whom they hold to be immortall: and further he prescribeth Messiah his age, that hee should live 837. yeares before the end of the sixt millenary or thousand yeare: which hee would gather by the letters of the word Lemarbaty used by the Prophet Isay 9.7. which is, of the increase of his government, there shall bee no end: where the first letter, lamed signifieth 30. men, 600. r…sh, 200. beth 2. he, 5. which maketh together 837. But it is evident to all the world how they are deceived: for the six thousand yeare is expired within lesse than 400. yeares,The Rabbines conceit of the Messiah. and yet their supposed Messiah commeth not: and againe Messiah came as well of the line of the fathers before the floud, as of them after the floud. 4. Wherefore this is more like to bee the reason: because then after Adams transgression, Moses would shew how the curse tooke place: thou shalt dye the death, in those long lived patriarkes: that although they lived divers hundred yeares, yet in the end they dyed. Mercerus.

QVEST. XIX. At what age of Terah Abraham was borne.

Vers. 26. TErah lived 70. yeares and begat Abraham, &c. Terah lived 205. yeares, and died in Charran, at what time Abraham was 75. yeares old: Genes. 12.5. Abraham then was borne when his father was an 130. yeare old, not in his 70. yeare: for the reconciliation then of these places. 1. We need not with Hierome, that followeth therein the Hebrewes, to say, that Abrahams age of 75. yeares is not counced from his birth,Hier. tradit. in Genes. but from his departure from Vr. of the Chaldes, and his miraculous deliverance out of the fire wherein they cast him, because he would not worship their Idols: for beside that, this tradition of Abrahams deliverance hath no sufficient ground to warrant it; a great inconvenience will follow it, if it bee admitted that Abraham was an 130. yeare old at this time, when he is said to bee but 75. which must of necessitie followe, if Abraham were borne in the 70. yeare of Therah: then it would follow: that Isaack borne when Abraham was an 100. yeare old, was borne 30. yeare before hee came into the land of Canaan, which is contrarie to the Scripture, or if they will count those hundred yeares also from Abrahams departure out of Chaldea: and that he was indeed an 160. yeares old, when Isaack was borne, and Isaack was 40. yeare old, his father yet living, when he tooke Rebeccah to wife, Genes. 25.20. Abraham should have lived above 200. yeares, whereas the Scripture saith, he lived but an 175. Genes. 25.7.

2 Neither is it a sufficent answer that Abraham went out of Charran at 75. yeares of his age, long before his fathers death, and that Moses doth recapitulate the story afterward as Aben Ezra, for Steven saith, that God brought him out after his father was dead, Act. 7.4. And to say his father was spiritually dead, not naturally because he staied still, and refused to goe into Canaan, living in idolatrie (which is the devise of one Andreas Masins, cited by Pererius) is a forcing of Stephens words, which in an historicall narration must be taken properly.

Quest. 25. in Gen. lib. 16. & decivit. Dei. c. 15.3. And with Augustine to make two departures of Abraham into the land of Canaan: the one when Terah was yet living, being an 105. yeare old, and Abraham 75. sojourning there 60. yeares, while his father lived in Charran, and another after Ther…hs death, whome Abraham might visite before, going and comming into Canaan: but now he came from thence, his father being dead, and returned no more; that in the first departure, his bodie remooved, but his affection was toward that place where his father was, but now his affection and all was removed: This imagination of two departures into Canaan, dissenteth from Stephens narration: Act. 7. where indeed he speaketh of two journeyes of Abraham, one out of Mesopotamia, the other out of Charan: But into Canaan the Lord brought him after his father was dead, v. 4. and not before.

4. That also is a meere fancy, that the rest of Abrahams age is concealed, who should be an 130. when p. 113hee is said to be but 75. to this intent, because God would keepe secret the end of the world: Calvin. for this would nothing have helped to the knowledge of that secret: the account of yeares past will not tell us what yeares are to come, and our Saviour saith, the Angels know not of that day, and yet they knew very well the age of Abraham.

5. Wherefore the best solution is, that Abraham though he be named first,Abraham was borne when Terah was an 130. yeare old. because of the privilege and preeminencie of his faith, yet was not the first borne; Terah at 70. yeares began to have sonnes, but Abraham was not borne till the 130. yeare of his fathers age: for he was but 75. at his fathers death, who was then 205. So Noah is said to be 500. yeare old when he begat Sem, Cham, and Iapheth: yet was not Sem borne till two yeares after. Gen. 11.10. beside, Sarah is held to have beene Abrahams brothers daughther: Abraham then could not be the eldest brother, for Sara was but 10. yeares younger than Abraham. Gen. 17.17. Iun.

QVEST. XX. Sarai not sister but neece to Abraham.

Vers. 29. THe father of Milcha, and of Iscah, &c. 1. Some thinke that this Iscah was not Sarai Abrahams wife, but that shee was rather the daughter of Thare, Lib. 2. Stromat. in fine. Lip. Caten. in Gen. Cajetan. in Gen.and Abrahams owne sister by the fathers side, than the daughter of his brother Aran: and that it was lawfull then for the halfe brother by the fathers side to marrie his sister, sic Clement. Alexand. Lippoman. Cajetan. Scotus. 2. Others thinke that Sarai was not the naturall, but the adopted daughter of Thare. 3. But the truer opinion is, that Sarai was the daughter of Haran, sister to Lot and Milcah, and the same that is called Iscah: as may appeare by these reasons: thus thinke Iosephus and Augustine. Iunius. 1. It is like that as Nachor married the one sister, so Abraham married the other: because it was their great care, not to take them wives abroad, from among the Idolaters. 2. v. 31. Sarai is said to bee Thare his daughter in law, but if shee had beene his naturall daughter, shee should have beene so called. 3. It was alwaies unlawfull, saving in the beginning of the world upon necessitie, for brethren or sisters, of halfe or whole bloud to marrie together: as Augustine saith, Abraham lived in those times, when it was unlawfull for brethren, ex utro que vel altero parente natos necti conjugio: of one or both parents to bee coupled in marriage: as it may appeare also by this, because Abraham to perswade Abimelech, shee was not his wife, said she was his sister:Lib. 22. cont. san &c. 35. The marriage of brethren and sisters not practised among the faithfull. she could not then be both his sister and his wife. Indeed, among some barbarous Gentiles, as the Egyptians, it was permitted to marry their sisters, as Ptolomeus Philadelphus did take to wife Arsinoe his sister: which is condemned by Pausanius but among the faithfull it was never suffered, nor practised. Thamer saying to incestuous Ammon, speake to the King, for he will not deny thee, 2 Sam. 13.13. sought but a delay, to put off his wicked act: not as though shee thought the King might or would grant any such thing. 4. Abraham calleth Sarai his sister, as he did call Lot her brothers sonne his brother. chap. 13.8. for so the Hebrewes use to call their neare kinsmen by the name of brethren: and he saith, she was the daughter of his father, not of his mother: because her father Haran, who might be 50. yeare elder than Abraham, was the sonne of Thare by another woman, and not by Abrahams mother. 5. So then this Iscah, is also Sarai: Sarai and Iscah the same.for to what end else should Iscah here be mentioned as a stranger, and not pertinent to the storie. 6. It is most likely then that Sarai was the daughter of Haran, elder brother to Abraham: who and not Abraham, was borne in the seventie yeare of Thare, not as Pererius supposeth that Abraham was borne in the seventie yeare, and Aran many yeares before: for it is evident by the text, that Thare had no children before he was 70. yeare old. Gen. 11.26. R. Sel. affirmeth also that this Iscah, was Sarai, and he noteth, that they are both of one signification: for Iscah or Iacah, is a name of principalitie, as Sarai is: yet Aben Ezra thinketh otherwise, that if Sarai had beene Harans daughter, Moses would have called her the daughter of Haran, as Lot is said to be the sonne of Haran, v. 31. but that is no reason, for in stead thereof, shee is called the wife of Abraham, of whom she now was rather to take denomination, than of her father. Mercerus also thinketh that this Iscah was not Sarai, because in the same verse there would not bee so sudden a change and mutation of the name: but I thinke the first opinion more probable, that Iscah is Sarai, for the reasons before alleaged. 1. because it had not beene pertinent to make mention of Iscah, if she had not belonged to this story. 2. It is like that as Nahor married the one sister, so Abraham did the other. 3. that they might take them wives out of their owne kindred, and not marry into the idolatrous stockes of the Chaldeans.

QVEST. XXII. Why mention is made of Sarai her barrennesse.

Vers. 30. BVt Sarai was barren, &c. Sarai her barrennesse is noted, 1. not as some Hebrewes imagine, that she should be reserved for the birth of Isaak, and not bee polluted with other births: for the birth is no pollution of the wombe: and if this were the reason, Isaack might have beene the first borne. 2. neither was Sarai barren, that by this meanes Ismael should be borne of Agar, to bee a plague afterwards to the Israelites, as some Hebrewes thinke. 3. But this was the cause, that Gods power might afterward appeare, in giving her a sonne in her old age.

QVEST. XXIII. Abraham whether cast into the fire, and then delivered by his faith.

Vers. 31. THey departed together from Vr of the Chaldeans. It seemeth to bee an old tradition among the Hebrewes, that Abraham was complained of by Thare his father in the dayes of Nimrod; for refusing to worship the fire, which the Chaldeans adored as God, and therefore he was cast into the fire, but was delivered by his faith: and that this was the Ur, that is, the fire of the Chaldees, out of the which Abraham was brought: and they adde further, that Aran seeing his brother delivered, p. 114refused likewise to worship that Idoll, and was cast into the fire, wherein because hee had but a weake faith, he perished; and therefore it is said he died before his father, that is, in his presence. This tradition Hierome seemeth in part to allow of, and Lyranus also, and Paulus Burg. But it is a meere fable, as may thus appeare: 1. because Abraham, as most Chronographers agree, was not as yet borne in Nimrods time, but in the 43. of Ninus, that succeeded Nimrod or Belus. 2. If Abraham had beene so miraculously delivered, it is like that either Moses would have remembred it in this story, or the Apostle, Heb. 11. where he commendeth the faith of Abraham: or Ecclesiasticus, chap. 45. would not have omitted, where of purpose he setteth forth the praise of Abraham, Iosephus also lib. 1. antiquit. and Philo that wrote two bookes of Abraham, remember no such thing. 3. This Ur was the name of a City in Chaldea, which Eupolimus in Eusebius, Euseb. lib. 9. de prepar. Evang. cap. 4. Plin. lib. 6. c. 26. lib. 1. antiq…it.calleth Camerinis: Ammianus Ur, lib. 25. Plinie O…choen, the Septuagint translate it, the region of the Chaldeans. And here not onelyonly Abraham, but Thare, Lot, and Sarai, all depart from Ur: then it should seeme they were all cast into the fire. Iosephus saith, that in his time the Sepulcher of Haran was to be seene in Ur of the Chaldeans: Haran then was not burned, but buried. Aben Ezra taketh Ur for the name of a place, and Abrahams Countrey, though Ramban would have Cuthena in Mesopotamia rather his Countrey.

QVEST. XXIII. Whether Nachor went out with Terah from Chaldea.

Vers. 31. ANd Terah tooke Abraham. 1. It is certaine, that God was the author of this journey, who spake to Abraham, before he dwelt in Canaan, Act. 7.2. and that Terah was made acquainted with Gods oracle by his sonne, and obeyed the same, Calvin. 2. Terah is said to take Abraham, &c. because he was the chiefe, and master of the family, Muscul. 3. No mention is made of Nachor, who chose rather to remaine in his Countrey, and obey not Gods calling: who afterwards notwithstanding followed, and left his Countrey, but went no further than Mesopotamia, Gen. 24.10. and dwelt also in Charran, Gen. 28.1. Mercer.

QVEST. XXIV. Whether Terah Abrahams father were an Idolater.

COncerning Terah, whether he were given to the Idolatry of the Chaldeans, because he departed from Ur,Suidas in vocal. Sara…h. is a great question, which may thus be decided. 1. It is neither probable, that (as Suidas saith) Sarug the grandfather of Terah brought in Idolatry, commanding holy men departed, to bee worshipped: both Noah and Sem being yet living to direct the righteous seed. 2. Neither is it to be thought, that Terah was so grosse an Idolater,Epiph. advers. haeres sub…. that he made images of clay to be worshipped, as Epiphanius. 3. Neither is it probable, that Terah was altogether free from the Idolatry of the Chaldeans, and that he was cast out thence and constrained to flee into Mesopotamia, as it is in the story of Iudith, chap. 5. vers. 7, 8. for the contrary is affirmed, Iosu. 24.2. that Terah served other Gods. 4. Neither is it to be supposed, that Terah and his family, as Augustine thinketh, were persecuted of the Chaldeans for the true worship of God: for herein Abrahams faith had not beene so commendable in obeying the calling of God, as the Apostle noteth, Heb. 11.8. if he were driven out before, and forced to flee his Countrey. 5. And to thinke that Terah was first a worshipper of God, and afterward fell to Idolatry in Charran, it is not like, seeing Abraham left not his father till he died, as Tostatus and Pererius imagine. But it is more like, that Terah was at the first an Idolater, when he dwelt beyond the River in Chaldea, as is expressed by Iosua. 24.2. who afterward obeying Gods calling, left his Countrey, with the Idolatry and superstition thereof, and came out with his sonne to Haran, thinking to goe to Canaan, but being stricken in yeares, he there stayed, and after some few yeares died, Mercer.

QVEST. XXV. Whether Abraham at any time inclined to superstition.

AS touching Abraham also, whether he were at any time infected with the superstition of the Chaldees, there are divers opinions, as they are cited by Pererius. 1. Suidas thinketh that Abraham at fourteene yeares reproved his father for his Idolatry. But it is not like, that Abraham being brought up under superstitious parents, not yet acquainted with Gods voice, and wanting other meanes, was so soone called.Philo in lib. qui …nfor…itur. Abraham in lib. antiquit. 2. Neither doe I thinke with Philo, that Abraham knew not God: but postquam sol…m vertit, after he had changed his Countrey, when he was welnie 70. yeares old: that Abraham was so long nusled up in superstition. 3. Neither doe I consent to Iosephus, that Abraham, ex siderum observatione, &c. that Abraham by the observation of the starres, the earth, and Sea, beganne first to acknowledge the true God. But Abrahams first calling was from God, the Lord saith, I tooke your father Abraham from beyond the floud, Iosua 24.2. God called him both from that Countrey, and the Idolatry thereof. 4. The opinion of some Hebrewes, is more probable, that Abraham at forty eight yeares beganne to acknowledge the true God, ex Perer. But at what time of his life Abraham was called, it is uncertaine: yet as certaine it is, that he at the first, before God called him, was tainted with superstition. 1. That place in Iosua seemeth directly to prove it: Your fathers dwelt beyond the floud in old time, Terah the father of Abraham, and father of Nachor, and served strange Gods, Iosua 24.2. All those that dwelt beyond the River, were at the first Idolaters, even the whole family of Terah, sic Lutherus. 2. Gods merciemercy more notably appeareth, in that hee called Abraham first before he knew God: that not Abrahams sincerity, but Gods love was the beginning of his calling: as Moses saith, because God loved your fathers, he chose their seed, Deut. 37. 3. It is not like but that Abraham being brought up in a superstitious family, did also at the first savour of their superstition, and therefore is bid to come out of his fathers house, Gen. 12.1. And seeing Terah Abrahams father, as is shewed before, and as Chrysostome thinketh, hom. 13. in Genes. was addicted to Idolatry p. 115till he obeyed the calling of God, to goe out of that countrey, it is more like, that Abraham also, did sleep in the same sinne, till God roused him, and called him away, then that he was never inclined to Idolatry,Perer. l. 16. in Gen. disput. 17. as Pererius thinketh.

4. Places of doctrine.

1. Doct. Of Gods providence.

Vers. BVt the Lord came downe, &c. Here wee learne, that God sitting in heaven, beholdeth all things, that are done in the earth: not as the wicked say in their heart, God hath forgotten and hideth away his face, and will never see, Psalm. 10.11. But as the Psalmist saith in another place, Hee that dwelleth in the heavens shall laugh, the Lord shall have them in derision, Psal. 2.4.

2. Doct. Of the Trinity.

Vers. 7. LEt us goe downe and confound, &c. This is the speech of the whole Trinity, whereby may bee prooved the distinction of persons: and whereas vers. 9. it is said in the singular number, the Lord confounded, &c. thence is gathered the unity of substance: sic Calvin. Rupert. lib. 4. comment. in Gen. c. 42.

3. Doct. Conditionall prescience in God.

Vers. 6. THey cannot now be stopped, from whatsoever they have imagined, &c. God did foresee that they would by no meanes give over their enterprise, if they were not letted of their purpose: so that by this it is evident, that God foreseeth not only what shall be certainly done in the world, but what might be conditionally done, if there were no let: as the Lord telleth David that the men of Keilah would deliver him, if he staied there, 1 Sam. 23.12. So our Saviour saith, that if the great workes, which were done in Corazin and Bethsaida, had beene done in Tyrus and Sidon, they had repented, Matth. 11▪ …2. foretelling what was likely to have beene done, that condition presupposed. Where we see a manifest difference betweene Gods power, his prescience, and decree or predestination: God in respect of his omnipotent power can absolutely doe more, than he doth or will doe: in respect of his all-seeing prescience, he doth foresee not only simply what shall be done, but conditionally what is likely to bee done, if other conditions and circumstances concurred. But God decreeth no more but what shall come to passe, his counsell must stand, his decree is alwayes absolute, not conditionall: as the Lord saith by his Prophet: As I have purposed, it shall come to passe, as I have consulted, it shall stand. Isay, 14 24.

5. Places of Confutation.

1. Confut. Against Iulian that there is but one God.

Vers. 7. COme let us goe downe. Wicked Iulian urged this place to prove his impious polythian, a multiplicity of Gods: for here not one saith hee, but many of like authority come downe to confound their languages, ex Muscul. But if this wicked Apostata had looked a little further into the ninth verse; there he might have found, that the Lord, Iehovah (not many, but one) did confound their languages: they were then divers, not Gods, but persons, yet one Godhead and divine power.

2. Confut. Against Origen, that the Lord, not the Angels confounded tongues.

SEcondly Origen thought that the Angels confounded those languages. And according to the number of those nations, so were there severall Angels presidents over them, that gave them their several tongues hom. 11. in Numb. But the text it selfe overthroweth this opinion, v. 9. The Lord Iehovah did confound their languages.

3. Confut. Against Celsus, that saith Moses borrowed of other writers.

THirdly, Celsus objected, that Moses borrowed this story, of the towre of Babel, of those that write of the Gyants, called Aloides, how they cast downe a great towre. But Origen answereth, that the writers of that history were after Homer, who was after Moses, so that he could not take any thing from them, lib. 4. cont. Cels. It is more like, that they corrupted the true story of Moses, with the Poeticall fictions.

4. Confut. Against the Pagans, that fable of the beasts, that they had sometimes one language.

4. CErtaine Pagans, not beleeving, that the world was not any time of one language: compare this narration of Moses, to that fable of the beasts: that sometime they had all one language, and one understood another, till such time as they sent an embassage to the Gods, that they might bee alwayes in their flourishing youth, and never be old; and for this their proud request, their speech was confounded, that now one understandeth not another. The like truth (say they) is in this narration of Moses. For how is it like, that they could in that instant, every man forget his former speech: ex Philone. But this is a doltish comparison, betweene reasonable men, and unreasonable beasts: those being no more capable of speech, than they are of reason. And seeing all the world tooke beginning from one man, before the floud p. 116from Adam, after the floud from Noah, why should it seeme incredible, that the world used one language. And why should it seeme unpossible, that God to whom all things are possible, in that instant could make them forget their language; seeing that some diseases, as the Lethargy, doe bring such forgetfulnesse, as that the patient knoweth not how to call things by their names: and Pliny writeth of Corvinus Messala, that he forgot his owne name.

5. Confut. Against Philastrius, that all the world was of one language not divers, before.

Philastrius, contra haeres. ca. 106.5. PHilastrius counteth it an hereticall opinion, that all the world was of one language before the tower of Babel: they are said so to be (saith he) that although they spake divers languages, yet they one understood another, and so in effect it was but as one. But the text is contrary, that the whole earth was of one language and one speech, not of one understanding, but of one lip, as it is in the hebrew, that is, they framed their words and language after the same manner. And how could every man understand so many languages, (which are held of most to have beene not so few as seventy) without a miraculous gift, such as the Apostles had: and whereas Moses maketh mention of divers languages in the 10. chap. v. 5.20.31. there that is spoken by way of anticipation. And here Moses setteth forth the beginning and occasion of the diversity of languages, by a certaine figure, called hysterosis, which declareth that last, that was done first, setting the effect before the cause.

6. Confut. Against Philo, that this division of tongues, is to bee understood historically, not in allegory.

6. FOurthly: Philo draweth this story of the confusion of tongues to an allegory, to signifie the confusion of vices, Hoc est nunc propositum sub figura confusionis linguarum dijicere constipatu… vitiorum cuneum: This is Moses purpose under this figure of confusion of tongues to cast downe the conjoyned muster of vices: for to speake properly, this parting of one language into many, is a separation, rather than a confusion. Contra. 1. After this manner the whole story of Genesis, may bee allegorized, so that we should have neither creation of the world, nor inundation of the same in true history, but in devised allegory. 2. This division of tongues is called a confusion, not in respect of the divers speech, which was indeed divided, not united, or confounded, but of the speakers, who were confounded in their affection, in being astonished at so suddaine an alteration: in their memory, in forgetting their accustomed speech: in their understanding, because they one understood not another in their worke, which was confused: the server bringing one thing, when the builder called for another.

7. Confut. Against Plato and Aristotle.

In Cratyl…. God the author of languages.7. PLato his opinion is, that words have their force and meaning from nature, Aristotle, that they were first framed, as it pleased man: But here wee learne, that God gave unto man speech: and he infused into men at once diversity of languages.

8. Confut. Against the Lutherans, that make an omnipresence of Christs body.

8 Vers. 5. THe Lord came downe: the Lutheranes Vbiquitaries, that maintaine an omnipresence and ubiquity, that is an every-where presence of Christs flesh, being pressed by this argument, that Christs body doth move from place to place, therefore it is not every where: doe answer out of this place, that God is said to move and descend, and yet he is every where: But the reason is not alike, for to ascend and descend, is spoken of Christs body truly, and properly, but of the God-head only metaphorically, and figuratively.

9. Confut. Against the latine service in popery.

9. Vers. 9. THerefore the name was called Babel: because their language was so confounded, that they one understood not another: so what is the Church of Rome to bee counted, but another Babel and synagogue of confusion, where the people understand not the Priest, no… one another in their latine service and prayers. Muscul.

10. Confut. Against Pererius: the marrying of the uncle and neece unlawfull.

10. Vers. 29. THe name of Abrahams wife was Sarai: who is held to be the daughter of Haran Abrahams brother: which marriages were not then forbidden by any law, but afterwards they were:Perer. disput. 14. in 11. Genes. art. 208. where the errour of the papists and namely of Bellarmine and Pererius may be noted: who affirme, that it was not forbidden by Moses law, for the uncle to marry his neece; for Othoniel the younger brother of Caleb, married Achsa Calebs daughter. Iud. 1.13. Contra. 1. To marry in this degree is forbidden in Leviticus, by necessary collection. Levit. 18.12. Thou shalt not uncover the shame of thy fathers sister, for she is thy fathers kinswoman: doth not the same reason hold for the other sex: thou shalt not uncover the shame of thy fathers brother, for hee is thy fathers kinsman. Where the degree is prohibited in the male, it holdeth also in the female sex, unlesse they will say; because the law saith, thou shalt not cover thy neighbours wife, and expresseth not thy neighbours husband, that therefore the one should bee lawfull and not the other.Othoniel proved not to be the brother of Caleb. 2. Othoniel was not the brother of Caleb, but either his nephew, as the Septuagint read; Othoniel the sonne of Kenez adelphon, the brother of Caleb, namely Kenez, for so is the construction in the greek; or else, as Iunius collecteth, Othoniel and Caleb were brothers children, Caleb of Iephunne; Othoniel of Seraiah which Iephunne and Seraiah were the sons of Kenaz, for Caleb was not the son of Kenaz, p. 117but of Iephunne. 1 Chron. 4.15. yet it seemeth that he was of the stocke of Kenaz, as grand-child unto him;Iun. 21. Chro. c. 4. lib 3. because he is called a Kenazite: Num. 23.12. and yet the sonne of Iephunneh. Othaniel then is called the brother of Caleb, not properly, but in a large sense, as Lot is called Abrahams brother, being indeed his brothers sonne. Wherefore Pererius in following the blind latine text, was much deceived.

6. Morall observations.

1. Observ. Against discontentment.

Vers. 2. AS they went from the East, &c. Chrysostome hereupon noteth, Chrysost. hom. in Genes.that as these men not contented with their state sought out a new countrey: so mankind, saith hee, non potest intra suos limites consistere, can never keepe it selfe within the bounds, but alwayes coveteth more.

2. Observ. Against continuing in sinne.

ANd there they abode: Philo noteth here, that as these men having found a pleasant field, did not passe thorow, but continued there: so sinners doe delight to continue and dwell in sinne: ejus malum fuisset, si post quam in peccata inciderant, pro alicuis non pro domestic is habuissent, &c. it had beene a lesse evill, after they had fallen into sinne, if they had used it not as a domesticall, but as a stranger.

3. Observ. Against vaine and momentary pleasure.

Vers. 3. COme let us make bricke: Like as these, that dwelt in Shiner build of bricke: sic qui voluptatib. carnis inserviunt, de fragili materia, &c. so they that are the servants of pleasure, doe build with brittle matter, that cannot continue, but they which follow vertue; lateres in lapides mutant, doe turne brickes into hewed stones: Gregor. This appeareth in the parable of the rich man.Greg. in 4. Psal▪ penitential. Luke 16. whose pleasure was soone over, but Lazarus joy was everlasting.

4. Observ. Difficulty should not hinder vertuous workes.

SO they had bricke for stone, &c. Many times the difficulty that occurreth, doth cause men to cease off from their enterprise. But nothing could hinder these men: though they had neither stone nor mortar, yet they will build a tower, such as was never seene in the world before, or after. Calvin. We learne hereby, that nothing should discourage us, or make us give over in a good worke, seeing these were so laborious in compassing this their proud and ungodly enterprise.

5. Observ. Against building for ostentation.

Vers. 4. THat we may got us a name, &c. Chrysostome here well noteth the vanity of worldly men, that build houses, and make great workes, ut immortalem nominis memoriam relinquant: to leave an immortall memory of their name; whereas both they faile of their purpose: hodie domus dicitur hujus, eras alterius: to day it is called one mans house, to morrow another: and so their name is extinguished: and they might take a more sure way to preserve their name, by doing of good, while they live, as it is in the Psalme 112.9. he hath distributed and given to the poore, his righteousnesse remaineth for ever. But worldly men doe as Absolon did, because he had no children left to keepe his name, he built him a pillar: 2 Sam. 18.18. So they wanting good workes, which are the true fruits of the spirituall men, seeke to make themselves famous by sumptuous buildings.

6. Observ. Wicked men proud before their fall.

Vers. 4. LEst wee be scattered: Philo readeth before we be scattered: and thereupon observeth, that such is the obstinacy of the wicked, though they see that great judgements are hanging over their heads, yet they will goe on in their wickednesse, as the conscience of these proud men gave them, that they should not goe unpunished, yet for all that they proceed in their purpose. Thus we see verified that saying of the wise man, Prov. 16.18. pride goeth before destruction: as these men when they were in the height of their pride, were dispersed and scattered: like as Saul made a goodly place for himselfe, as triumphing for the late victory obtained against Amelech, even then when he was cast off from being King: 1 Sam. 15.13. Oecolampad; in hunc locum.

7. Observ. Not to condemne any rashly.

Vers. 5. THe Lord came downe to see, &c. Chrysostome noteth: vult erudiri nos, ne unquam fratres temere condemnemis: In that God commeth downe to see and examine, hee would have us learne never without due examination to condemne our brethren rashly: And it is especially a rule for magistrates, not to condemne any their cause unheard, as Putiphar did Ioseph, Gen. 39.20. Muscul.

8. Observ. The division of the wicked profitable.

Vers. 8. SO the Lord scattered them, &c. Hence Gregory well observeth, that the unity of the wicked is pernicious, their division profitable: So Paul escaped, while his enemies were divided. Act. 23. eripi…tur justi, dum dividuntur injusti, the righteous are delivered, while the unrighteous are divided: like as the Israelites by the dividing of the waters, had a ready passage thorow the red Sea: so here this proud and vaine-glorious enterprise, by the division of tongues was disappointed.