Pilgrimage, Book 4 · Chapter 10
CHAP. X.
A Continuation of the Tartarian Historie, and the question discussed, whether Cathay and China be the same.
SInce this Tamor Can, wee hauehave not so continued a Historie of their Empire and Emperours as before, and yet we hauehave had succeeding testimonies a long time of their State and Magnificence, but neither so diligent obseruers, nor so exact Writers as the former: besides that, their Histories seeme in some things more fabulous. Of this later sort are Odoricus aOdoricus ap. Hak., a Frier, which liued three yeares in the Emperours Court, and trauelled as farre as Quinsay, who died in the yeare 1331; Sir Iohn Mandeuile bSir Iohn Mandeuile.our Countreyman spent many yeares in those Countries a few yeares after Odoricus, and writ the Historie of his Trauels in the Reigne of Edward the third of England, Echi…nt Can being then Emperour of the Tartars: in which, if many things seeme not worthie credit, yet are they such as Odoricus, or some others, not of the worst Authors, had before committed to writing, and happily be others after his time, in those dayes when Printing wanted, foisted into his booke. Once, he setteth downe the distances and passages of Countries so exactly, as I thinke hee could not then hauehave learned but by his owne Trauels. After his time cNic. di Conti. ap. Ramus.Nicholo di Conti, a Venetian, trauelled through India and Cathay, after fiue & twentie yeares returning home: and going to Eugenius the fourth, then Pope, to be absolued, because he had denied the Christian Faith to saue his life, his enioyned penance was, truly to relate to Poggius the Popes Secretarie his long peregrination: This was in the yeare 1444. About the same time dIos. Barbar….Iosafa Barbar…, a Venetian, in the yeare 1436, had learned of a Tartarian Embassadour (which had beene at Cambalu, and returning by Tana, was entertained of the said Iosafat) some particulars touching the great Cham and Cathay, some part whereof he heard after confirmed by the mouth of Vsun-cassan, the mightie Persian King, in the yeare 1474: So that from the yeare 1246 thus farre we hauehave a continued succession of the Cathayan Historie, besides that which an Arabian hath written in his Historie of Tamerlane, now extant in English.
I am the more curious in naming these Authors, least any should thinke that which is written of this people to be fabulous (all these, in a manner, concurring in the most substantiall things) or should confound, as diuerse eLudouicus Reg. Literae Iaponicae. cantugo Contughi in Thes. Polit. part. 4. &c.lately hauehave done, the Countries and Affaires of China and Cathay. The cause of both these errours is, because that in these last hundred yeares and more, in which more of the World then euer before hath beene discouered, yet nothing of moment is found out of this Countrey or People. Whereunto may be answered. That since, diuers of the great Tartarian Lords, before subiects to the great Cham, hauing made themselues absolute Lords of their seuerall States, the way hath not beene so open to passe, being otherwise of it selfe exceedingly both long, difficult, and dangerous: and the adioyning Princes recouering themselues from Tartarian seruitude, will neither suffer their owne to goe out, nor others freely to enter their Dominions; as the Muscouite, the King of China, and others. M. Ant. fHak. to. 1. pag. 303.I…nkinson, which went as farre thither-ward as Bogharre, could not pafle further for warres in those parts. Neither hauehave any gone thither by Sea. And yet euen in this time we hauehave not altogether wanted witnesses. Ludonicus gL.Vertoman.Vertomannus, a hundred yeares since, in Bengala met with diuerse Christians, who affirmed, That there were in their Countrey diuers Signiors, Christians, subiect to the great Cham. These were white men, of a Citie called Sarnau. In M. Hakluits hTo. 1. pag. 336. & leq.painefull labours wee may reade of diuerse passages out of Russia and Persia by Caravans into Cathay. Ramusius also, in his Annotations iRamusius.before M. Paulus, telleth of one Chaggai Memet, a Persian Marchant, who had beene at Campion and Succuir in Catay (Damircan then raigning) and had acquainted him with diuerse particulars thereof.
Also in the Epistle of kEmanuel Carval. Epist. vide eadem ap. Pierre du Iarric, livre 4 de l'histoire des Inde… Orient. c. 16.Emanuel Carualius, a Iesuite, dated at Malaca in Ianuarie, 1599, is contained the transcript of Ierome Xaverius his letter from Lahor, the Citie Royall of the great Mogor, dated August 1598. Wherein the Iesuite relateth, That whiles he was in conference with the Prince, there entred into the Pallace an old man of Mahomets Religion, threescore yeares of age, who affirmed to the Prince, That he had come from Xatai by the way of Mecca. Presently some which knew him, affirmed, That he had distributed in almes a hundred thousand pieces of Gold at Mecca. The Prince asking if it were so, he affirmed, That he did it because he was old, & could not long liue, nor carrie those things away with him. Being demaunded of the state of Xatai, he answered, That he had there liued thirteene yeares in the Citie Royall, Xambalu, the King whereof was very mightie, and had in his Empire a thousand and fiftie Cities, some of them very populous. He said, he had often seene the King, with whom no man speaketh but by a supplication, nor is answered but by an Eunuch. Being asked how he had accesse thither, he answered, That he sustained the person as well of the Embassador of the King of Caygar, as of a Marchant: and being detained in the first Citie by the Magistrate, he shewed his Commission, and post was presently sent to the King, who returned in a monethmonth, riding 90. or 100. myles a day, with change of Horses, bringing him letters of admission. No man was troublesome to him in the way. They punish theeues seuerely (which also is obserued of the Cathayans in Iosapha Barbaro and in Marcus Paulus aforesaid.) The people hee affirmed were white, comely, long-beareded, and very personable. In Religion he said they were Isauites, (or Christians, professors of IESVS) and some among them Mussauites, or Iewes, and many Mahumetans, who hoped to draw the King, being a Christian, to their Sect. The Iesuite addeth, That he farther conferred with him another day about their Religion, who told him, That they had many Churches, and some very great; many Images, both painted and carued, especially of the Crucifixe, which they religiously worship. EueryEvery Church hath his Priest much reucrenced. The Priests liued single, and kept Schooles, wherein they instructed the youth, which should after take Orders: they had also one among the Priests supereminent, and were all maintained at the Kings costs, as were the Churches also both built and repaired. They ware blacke clothes, and on holydayes, redde; with Cappes much like the Iesuites, but greater. He added, That he had often seene the King goe to Church: That there were many of both Sexes, which in Cloysters liued a Monasticall life, some obseruing also a single life in their own houses. This agreeth with Vertomans report.He reported, That the Countrey was rich, and had in it many Mines of Siluer: the King had foure hundred Elephants, which they said were brought from Malaca. And from pegu also he said, that Marchants resorted thither, which voyage was halfe a yeare (it seemeth through the Sea betweene China and Iapan.) Xauerius addeth, That while he was at Caximir, he heard of many Christians in Rebat, a Kingdome adioyning to Xatai, who had Churches, Priests, and Bishops, to whome he had written three wayes in the Portugall and the Persian Tongues.
The greatest obiection against this Historie, that distinguisheth Cathay from China, is the report of Iacob Pantogia lIacob Pantogia, a Iesuite, in a letter dated from Panquin, the Seat Royall of China, in March 1602, in which he blameth a double error of our Mappes, both for making China larger then it is, and for adioyning to the same this questioned Kingdome of Cathay, whereas (saith he) China, or Sina, is Cathay, and this Panquin, where now we liue, is Cambalu. This he proueth by the incredible riches which he here saw, agreeing to that which is commonly reported of Cathay, and by the testimonie of certaine Moores and Mahumetanes, whome he found in Panquin, which vsually, eueryevery fifth yeare, resort hither vnderunder shew of an Embassage, and paying of tribute; indeede for gaine, by way of traffique: (their tribute meane-while obtaining sufficient retribution out of the Kings Coffers, who sustaineth them and theirs, all the time of their abode in China, at his owne costs, besides other gifts.) Of these Marchants, which resorted hither out of Persia and the Countrey of the Mogores, the Iesuits by enquirie learned, that this countrey of China was called Cathay, & had no other name in Persia, and among the Mogores, nor did they know any other Countrey so called. And asking further, how they called the Citie Panquin, they answered, Cambalu: whereupon the Iesuite concludeth without all scruple, as is said. And againe, in the Chinian Epistles, dated 1607, is reported, That mBened. Goes.Benedictus Goes (sent sixe yeares after of the Iesuites by the way of Mogor to finde out Cathay) remained in the borders of China, in the Prouince of Xanti, from whence he writ, An. 1606. That he could finde no other Catay then the Kingdome of China. This report furthereth Pantogia's opinion.
But if it be not sufficient to oppose the former report of Xamer to these of Pantogia and Goes, and the different qualities of the Chinians and Cathayans (as in their proper places shall follow) both in things priuate and publike, diuine and humane; I answere, That the name Cambalu is by M. Paulus nM.Pa.l.2.c.7.and others interpreted the Citie of the Prince, or Cam. And Perera oGal…otto Perera relationes Chin.interpreteth Pachin, or Panquin, where the King of China alwayes resideth, to signifie the Towne of the Kindgome, as he was there aduertised, the same signification (in manner) remaining to the diuers appellations in differing Languages, as a common name to be applyed to any Citie Royall *If Panquin were Cambalu, the inhabitants would so tearme it as the Cathayans did.. This Perera was himselfe a longtime prisoner there, and accounted it a wonder in one Citie to meete with a few Moores, who were detained in China, hauing come thither twentie yeares before, and were permitted the vse of their Religion; of which they could say almost nothing, but Mahomet was a Moore, and their father was a Moore, and I am a Moore, with some other wordes of their Alcoran; wherewithall, and in abstinence from Swines flesh, they liue (sayth he) till the Deuill take them all. And yet the report of Xauier telleth vsus, That the Moores are many and mightie in Cathay; of Iewes I remember nor the mention of them in any Chinian relation: of Christians, which (he saith) is the Religion in Cathay, there are not to my knowledge, except some late gleanings of the Iesuites, any reported to be at all in China, but at Xensi pLit. lac.Anton. An.1603.at Xucheo, which also were aliens, as appeareth by their complexion, long beards, and the vse of Bells.
And whereas in China theeues and malefactors are seldome executed (and none hath power to execute any without speciall Commission from the King) but either they die by stripes, hunger, or imprisonment, except some few once in a yeare: M.Paulus and Iosafa Barbaco, from the relation of eye-witnesses, affirme, That in Cambalu was such suddaine and rigorous execution of Iustice, that one taking a Iarre of Milke from a womans head, and beginning to drinke, vponupon the womans out-cry was apprehended, and presently with a sword cut in funder, that the bloud and milke issued together; a Tartarian Embassador affirming both this, and that he had seene the like execution vponupon another, for taking a piece of Bayes from a woman, so chopped in twaine. But the relation of the Chinian and Cathayan differing Rites will further cleare this point. As for the name of Cathay, ascribed to China by the Moores, I answere, That William de Rubruquis qWill de Rubr. Hak. to.1., who was in the Court of Mangu Can supposeth Cathay to be Serica Regio, described by Ptolomey farre more Northerly then the Iesuite reporteth China to be, by his own Astrolabicall obseruation. And to these Seres rPtol.l.6.c.16.Ptolomey ioyneth the Sinae, or Chinois, on the South, and our later Geographers generally concurre in this opinion. He also which readeth Ioannes de Plaeo Carpins sJo.de plano Carp. c.5., shall find, that the Tartars conquered the Kara-Kitai, or blacke Cathayans, and then the Emperour of Kithai, by vndermining his Citie, as is said, in the dayes of Cyngis; and yet a great part of Kitai remained yet vnconquered, and withstood his forces, and namely that part which is neerest the Sea. And this wealthie Countrey of Great Cathaya hath many Prouinces, the more part whereof doe yet withstand the Moals or Tartars (it is the last period in Will.de Rubruquis). I hence gather, that the name Kitai was applyed to a great part of the North-east corner of Asia, happily no lesse generall to many Regions on that side, then India to the Southerly parts. And why may not the name of Kathay *Rich. Iohnson from a Tartarian Marchant learned the way to Cathay, and in Cathay it selfe he reckoneth 75. daies iourney. Hak., as well by the Mogores and Persians, be giuen to the North parts of China (one parcell of the North-east of Asia) as the name of India, not onelyonly to so great a part of Asia, but to America also, which was called India, because the first discouerers that thought they had encountred the Indian Continent? And these parts of China, may much fitter retaine the name of Cathay, to which Empire it had so long beene subiect, and by the Cathayan conquest was first knowne to our world.
But they knew no countrey else so named: True; for the Lawes of the Cathayans forbidding egresse of the Natiues, and ingresse of Aliens, and a more forcible law of Mountaines and deserts, wilde beasts, and wilder men; the manifold smaller and more beggerly Segniories betweene, eueryevery one challenging their ninth (if not themselues confiscating, or theirs robbing all) now in so long a space may bury euen the name and knowledge of the great Cam, whereas neither armes of Princes, nor traffique of subiects, can open any new, or retaine the olde notice of Nations. What dreames did the West conceiue of the East in Asia, and South in Afrike, till the armies first, and Marchants after, of the Carthaginians, Macedonians, and Romanes discouered them ? And yet how did those flouds of Barbarous people afterwards drowne with barbarous ignorance the knowledge of all Arts, and this of Geography amongst the rest? And till the Tartarians, like a terrible thunderclap, with the lightning and noise of their Armies, brought a more sudden then welcome knowledge of themselues to the world, who euer in Persia or Assyria had heard of their names or of diuers people else, (and these Cathayans among the rest) first knowne by their conquests? Further the Iesuite himselfe to Panquin ascribeth iust fortie degrees: and Marcus Paulus his Father and Vnkle went from Boghar (the altitude whereof Maister Ienkinson uHac.at his being there, obserued to be thirtie nine degrees, and ten minutes: or as xAbilfada Is. ap. Ramus.Abilfada Ismael placeth it, thirtie nine, and an halfe North & Northeast to goe into Cathay. The like course did the same men hold going into Cathay, from Armenia afterwards with Marcus himselfe, yLib.1.c.1.sempre alla volta di Graco & Tramontana; whereas a course directly East, or inclining to the South, must hauehave beene taken, if China had beene Catai. Neither is it likely that their iourney would hauehave beene so much letted by Frosts and Snowes. The same may bee gathered out of the discoures following in Marcus Paulus, zLib. I. & li.2.where hee abutteth the countreyes in succeeding linkes to Cathay, from the East, to the Northwards, and from the North-east declining Westward in reckoning from thence. And whereas Pantogia raiseth the most Northerly part of China but to two and forty degrees at the most, wherein as to an eie-witnes wee yeeld him credit: How can it stand with reason, how can it be likely that in those temperate climes, the world can yeeld but a few Nations, and those base Mores, and Ethnkies, when as a good part of Spaine, halfe Italy, Greece, all France, Germany, and Hungry (to omit other wealthy parts of the world) are subiect to the same parallels? And indeede herein Pantogia hath well helped vsus, whereas our moderne Mappes hauehave caused no small scruple to a diligent obseruer, in placing Cathay, a countrey reported to bee so fertile and ciuill in so Northerly a clime, very indiscreetely aHond. tab.raising Cambalu to the height of threescore degrees, and paralelling Cathay with Norwey: which cannot stand with other things thereof reported, howsoeuer the Tartars themselues were happily of a more Northerly climate then this mentioned. Others goe not so farre, yet they place Cambalu too farre within land, which Paulus saith is within two daies iourney of the Sea. It seemeth that now this great Tartarian Prince hath no strength at sea, and therefore is the lesse knowne. And here in participate other great and mighty Princes, Prester Iohn (so called) of Aethiopia in Africa, and the Sophi, and great Mogor, in Asia; ranked iustly amongst the greatest Emperours of the world: who hauing some part of their Dominion adioning to the Sea, make little or no vse thereof. Abilfada Ismael a Syrian Prince who wrote an exact Geography in Arabian bAb. Ismael cited by Ramus. vol.2.about three hundred yeares since, placeth Cambalu in 144. 8. Long. and 35. 25. Latit, it may haply bee 45. degrees in Latitude, one Figure being falsified, or else inuerted for 53. And as this Latitude disagreeth from that of Panquin, so the Longitude a great deale more.
Thus much hauehave I thought good to dispute touching that difficult and hard question of Cathay and China: which though it will bee tedious to some, yet to the curious may seeme short enough; although somewhat else may bee obserued to this purpose in the particulars of China, and Cathay following: this confirming my opinion further, that Chaggi Memet, Mar. Polo, Mandenill, Odoricus, Nicolo di Conti, and others, eie-witnesses, speake of China or Mangi, and of Cathay, as diuers Countreys.
And Farfur King of Mangi cM. P. L.2. 55:possessed his Countries, now knowne by the name of China, in peace till An. 1269. being counted a richer countrey then Cathay it selfe, which was conquered before, if we vnderstand it properly: and Cambalu seemeth to be the Citie wherein Cingis the first Cham besieged and tooke the Cathayan Emperour. Paulus also mentioneth among the greatest Cities of Mangi, Panghin, and Nanghin, which sound to be the same with Panquin and Nanquin; reporting further that Mangi alone had in it a thousand and two hundred great, rich, and industrious Cities, (as much as is reported of whole China, and more) and that after Cublai Can had conquered that State, he diuided it into nine tributarie kingdomes, gouerned by so many Vice-royes vnderunder him, (which possibly the Chinois recouering diuided into fifteene, as now they reckon them:) And these Cities he fortified with Garrisons, not of the Naturall inhabitants, but of Cathay. And these things are reported by him who long liued in these parts, & non interfuit solum sed etiam praefuit, & quorum pars magnafuit, possessing the place of Gouernour vnderunder the Can three yeeres (according to the Tartarian custome) in Iangni dM.Paul.l.2.c.60.one of the chiefe Cities of Mangi, hauing vnderunder it seuen and twenty other Cities: and the whole prouince of Mangi hee placeth Southeast from Cathay. And wherefore doth the King of China alwaies abide in Panquin, in the Northerly part of his Kingdome, but, as all which write hereof affirme, because of the Tartars which from those parts conquered the kingdome? which if they were so base a people as Pantogia affirmeth, could not bee so dreadfull to the Chinois, that their King for their sakes should there make his residence in the skirts and borders of the Kingdome. Alhacen eAlhacen his history of Tam. translated by Jean.du Bec.a learned Arabian wrote the Historie of Tamerlanes life, wherein he telleth of the great Cham of Cambalu, and the King of China: as diuers Princes of diuers countries, one of which accrewed to Tamerlaine by marriage of the Chams onelyonly Daughter, and the other by conquest. What needed such a wall (which Scaliger fScal.Can.Is.l.3saith he hath seene in the Mappes of Chine) made by the Chinois, if the Tartars were not mighty neighbours, especially themselues being so mighty and populous?
For my part I cannot but thinke that in so great a tract as is situate to the North of China, there is now as there hauehave beene of olde many Cities, and a Tartarian or Cathayan Kingdome, although it remaine yet vnknowne. And who knew that there was such a Kingdome as China a hundred yeares agoe? or who hath sailed that way to seeke this, since? and how long was it before it was knowne in our world that there was such a Prince in the world as the great Negus aboue mentioned in Aethiopia; especially hee hauing no ships for warre or marchandise, nor many (scarse any) good hauens by Sea to make himselfe knowne: and within land Nature hath as it vvere imprisoned him, barring vp the passages with Mountaines and deserts: which seemeth now to be the case of the Cathayan; furthered by the iealousie of many great Princes not to admit any forreiner in, or license any of theirs to passe out, for feare of innouation. Sed plenum aleae est saith gScal.ih.de reb.Sinarum.Scaliger, de ijs aliquid statuere quae nobis per caliginem duntaxat nota sunt. It is hard to determine in these misty mysteries. Euen as in Nature it falls out that the sunne shines there many howers before it ariseth to vsus, so in Historie it may happen that there may shine a Tartarian Sunne in Cathay, when as a darke night in this longinquitie of distance hideth him from our eyes. Let eueryevery Reader iudge as pleaseth him: I am afraid betwixt Cathay and China I shall get a checke for staying longer then becommeth a pilgrim. Let vsus now therefore minde our Pilgrimage, and take view of the Tartarian Religion: with thankes to the Iesuites for their paines, but loth to follow them in nouelties except we be forced: the rather, because none are so ready to blame men therein as their societie; which though they be new sprung vp, yet are Veteratores, (so Scaliger fitly hScal. Elench. N S.calls them) pretenders of Antiquitie, but iSteph. verba paululum mutata, in lib. de Lips.Lat.nihil illis antiquins quàm antiquare antiquitatem. It is indeede for their nouelties that wee forsake them. Idverius quodprius. Truth and Antiquitie hauehave kissed each other. But let vsus leaue the Ietnites, which in more necessarie matters hauehave left the true Antiquitie, and come to our Tartarian taske.