The History of the Holy War, Book 2 · Chapter 20 – Chapter 25
Chap. 20. The Church-story during this Kings reigne; The remarkable ruine of Rodolphus Patriarch of Antioch.
THe Church of Jerusalem yeelded no alterations in the reigne of Fulco. But in Antioch there was much stirre who should succeed Bernard that peaceable long-lived man, who sat 36 yeares, and survived eight Patriarchs of Jerusalem. Now whilest the Clergie were tedious in their choice, the Laity was too nimble for them, and they (thinking it equall to have an hand in making, who must have their arms in defending a Patriarch) clapped one *Tyrius, lib. 15.Rodolphus of noble parentage into the chair.1136. He presently took his pall off from the altar of S. Peter, thereby sparing both his purse and pains to go to Rome, and acknowledging no other superiour then that Apostle for his patrone. This man was the darling of the Gentry, (and no wonder if they loved him who was of their cloth and making) but hated of the Clergie. Wherefore knowing himself to need strong arms who was to swim against the stream, he wrought himself into the favour of the Princesse of Antioch, the widow of young Boemund, so that he commanded all her command, and beat down his enemies with her strength. He promised to make a marriage betwixt her and Reimund Earl of Poictou, (a Frenchman of great fame, who was coming into these parts) but he deceived her, and caused the Earl to marry Constantia the daughter of this Lady, by whom he had the principality of Antioch. Indeed this Constantia was but a child for age; but they never want yeares to marry, who have a Kingdome for their portion.
The Patriarch to make firre work, bound Prince Reimund by an oath to be true to him: But friends unjustly gotten, are seldome comfortably enjoyed: Of his sworn friend, he proved his sworn enemy, and forced him to go up to Rome, there to answer many accusations laid to his charge; wherein the groundwork perchance was true, though malice might set the varnish on it. The main matter was, that he made odious comparisons betwixt Antioch and Rome, and counted himself equall to his Holinesse.
Rodolphus coming to Rome found the Popes doores shut against him, but he opened them with a golden key. Money he sowed plentifully, and reaped it when he came to be tried; for he found their hands very soft towards him whom formerly he had greased in the fist. He also resigned his old pall, and took a new one from the Pope. As for his other crimes, it was concluded that Albericus Bishop of Ostia should be sent into Syria the Popes Legate, to examine matters, and to proceed accordingly with the Patriarch as things there should be found alledged and proved: Whereat his adversaries much stormed, who expected that he should instantly have been deposed.
Yet afterwards they prevailed mightily with Albericus the Legate, and bowed him on their side. He coming to Antioch cited the Patriarch to appear; who being thrice called, came not. On his absence all were present with their conjectures what should cause it: Some imputing it to his guiltinesse; others to his contempt; others to his fear of his enemies potencie, or judges partiality: for indeed the Legate came not with a virgin-judgement, but ravished with prejudice; being prepossessed with this intent to dispossesse him of his place. Some thought he relied on his peace formerly made at Rome, where the illegality of his election was rectified by his laying down his first pall, and assuming a new one from the Pope.
Here was it worth the beholding in what severall *Baronius, in anno 1136.streams mens affections ran. All wished that the tree might be felled, who had hopes to gather chips by his fall; and especially one Arnulphus, and Dean Lambert, the promoters against the Patriarch. Others pitied him, and though perchance content that his roof might be taken down, were loth he should be razed to the ground. Some reserved their affections till they were counselled by the event which side to favour; and would not be engaged by any manifest declaration, but so that they might fairly retreat if need required. Amongst other Prelates which were present, Serlo Archbishop of Apamea was one, who formerly had been a great enemy to the Patriarch, but had lately taken himself off from that course. The Legate demanded of him why he proceeded not to accuse the Patriarch as he was wont: To whom he answered, *Tyrius, lib. 15. cap. 16.What formerly I did, was done out of unadvised heat against the health of my soul, discovering the nakednesse of my father, like to cursed Cham; and now God hath recalled me from mine errour: so that I will neither accuse, nor presumptuously judge him, but am ready to die for his safety. Hereupon the Legate immediately (such was the martiall law in a Church-man) deposed him from his Archbishoprick. Little hope then had the Patriarch, who saw himself condemned in his friend:Idem, lib. 15. cap. 17. and he himself followed not long after, being thrust out by violence, cast into prison, and there long kept in chains; till at last he made an escape to Rome, intending there to traver…e his cause again,1141. had not death (occasioned by poison, as is thought) prevented him.
Chap. 21. Calo-Iohannes the Grecian Emperour demandeth Antiochia; Reimund the Prince thereof doeth homage to him for it.
1136CAlo-Johannes the Grecian Emperour came up with a *Tyrius, lib. 14. cap. 24.vast army of horse and foot, and demanded of Reimund Prince of Antioch, to resigne unto him that whole Signorie, according to the composition which the Christian Princes made with *Vide suprà, book 1. chap. 15.Alexius his father.
Hereat Reimund and all the Latines stormed out of measure: Had they purchased the inheritance of the land with their own bloud, now to turn tenants at will to other? Some pleaded, That the ill usage of Alexius *Ursperg. pag. 233. tortis sacramentis.extorted from Godfrey and the rest of the Pilgrimes that agreement; and an oath made by force, is of no force, but may freely be broken, because not freely made. Others alledged, That when Antiochia was first wonne, it was offered to Alexius, and *Vide suprà, book 1. chap. 15.he refused it: so fair a tender was a paiment. Others argued, That that generation which made this contract was wholly dead, and that the debt descended not on them to make it good. But most insisted on this, That Alexius kept not his covenants, and assisted them not according to the agreement. Indeed he called these Princes his sonnes; but he disinherited them of their hopes, and all their portion was in promises never payed. No reason then, that the knot of the agreement should hold them fast, and let him loose.
The worst of these answers had been good enough, if their swords had been as strong as the Grecian Emperours. But he coming with a numerous army, in few dayes overcame all Cilicia (which for fourty yeares had belonged to the Prince of Antioch) and then besieged the city of Antioch it self. Force is the body, and resolution the soul of an action: both these were well tempered together in the Emperours army; and the city brought to great distresse. Whereupon Fulk King of Jerusalem with some other Princes, fearing what wofull conclusion would follow so violent premisses, made a composition between them. So that Reimund did homage to the Emperour, and held his principality as a vassall from him. And though foure yeares after the Emperour came again into these parts,1146 yet he did not much harm; pillaging was all his conquest. Some yeares after he died, being accidentally poisoned by one of his own arrows which he intended for the wild boar. A Prince so much better to the Latines then his father Alexius, as an honourable foe is above a treacherous friend. His Empire he disposed to Emmanuel his sonne.
Chap. 22. The succession of the Turkish Kings, and the Saracen Caliphs: Of the unlimited power of a Souldan; Some resemblance thereof anciently in the kingdome of France.
NO great service of moment was performed in the reigne of King Fulk, because he was molested with domesticall discords, and intestine warres against Paulinus Count of Tripoli, and Hugh Earl of Joppa: OnelyOnly Beersheba was fortified, and some forts built about Askelon, as an introduction to besiege it. Also skirmishes were now and then fought with variety of successe, against Sanguin one of the Turks great Princes.
And here let the reader take notice, that though we have mentioned many Commanders, as Auxianus, Corboran, Ammiravissus, Tenduc, Gazi, Balak, Dordequin, Borscquin, Sanguin, some Turkish, some Saracen, yet none of these were absolute Kings (though perchance in courtesie sometimes so styled by writers) but were onelyonly Generals & Lieutenants accountable to their superiours, the Caliphs either of Babylon or Egypt: Who what they were, we referre the reader to our Chronologie.
Caliph was the Pope (as I may say) of the Saracens, a mixture of Priest and Prince. But we need not now trouble our selves with curiosity in their successions; these Caliphs being but obscure men, who confined themselves to pleasures, making play their work, and having their constant diet on the sawce of recreation. We are rather to take notice of their Generals and Captains, which were the men of action. For a Souldan (which was but a Vice-roy) with his borrowed light shineth brighter in history then the Caliph himself. Yet may we justly wonder, that these slothfull Caliphs should do nothing themselves, and commit such unlimited power to their Souldans; especially seeing too much trust is a strong tentation to make ambitious flesh and bloud disloyall. Yet something may be said for the Caliph of Egypt,Sr Walter Ralegh, part 1. book 2 chap. 26. besides that the pleasures of that countrey were sufficient to invite him to a voluptuous life: First, the awfull regard which the Egyptians had of their Princes, gave them security to trust their officers with ample commission. Secondly, herein they followed an ancient custome practised by the Pharaohs anciently; who gave unto Joseph so large authority, as we may read in Genesis.Gen. 41.40. Some example also we have hereof in France about nine hundred yeares ago. Childerick, Theodorick, Clovis, Childebert, Dagobert, &c. a chain of idle Kings well linked together, gave themselves over to pleasures privately, never coming abroad; but onelyonly on May-day they shewed themselves to the people, riding in a chariot, adorned with flowers, and drawn with oxen, (slow cattel, but good enough for so lazy luggage) whilest Charles Martell and Pipin, Maiors of the palace, opened packets, gave audience to Embassadours, made warre or peace, enacted and repealed laws at pleasure, till afterwards from controllers of the Kings houshold they became controllers of the Kings, and at last Kings themselves.
To return to Egypt: Let none be troubled (pardon a charitable digression to satisfie some scrupulous in a point of Chronologie) if they find anciently more Kings of the Egyptians, and longer reigning then the consent of times will allow room for: for no doubt that which hath swelled the number, is the counting Deputies for Kings. Yea, we find the holy Spirit in the same breath, 1. Reg. 22.47. speak a Vice-roy to be a King and no King;MELEK in both. There was no King in Edom; a Deputy was King.
Chap. 23. The lamentable death of King Fulk.
WHen Fulco had now eleven yeares with much industry and care (though with little enlarging of his dominions) governed the land,1142 he was slain in earnest as following his sport in hunting,Tyrius, lib. 15. cap. ult. to the great grief of his subjects. And we may heare him thus speaking his Epitaph:
A hare I hunted, and death hunted me;
The more my speed was, was the worse my speed:
For as well-mounted I away did flee,
Death caught and kill'd me, falling from my steed.
Yet this mishap an happy misse I count,
That fell from horse that I to heaven might mount.
A Prince of a sweet nature; and though one would have read him to be very furious by his high-coloured countenance, yet his face was a good hypocrite; and (contra leges istius coloris, saith *Lib. 14. cap. 1.Tyrius) he was affable, courteous, and pitifull to all in distresse. He was buried with his predecessours in the temple of the Sepulchre, leaving two sonnes, Baldwine who was 13, and Almerick 7 yeares old.
Chap. 24. The disposition of Baldwine the third; The care of Queen Millesent in her sonnes minority.
BAldwine succeeded his father,1243 who quickly grew up, as to age, so in all royall accomplishments, and became a most complete Prince; well learned, especially in historie; liberall; very witty, and very pleasant in discourse: He would often give a smart jest, which would make the place both blush and bleed where it lighted: Yet this was the better taken at his hands, because he cherished not a cowardly wit in himself, to wound men behind their backs, but played on them freely to their faces; yea, and never refused the coin he payed them in, but would be contented (though a King) to be the subject of a good jest: and *Tyrius, lib. 16. cap. 2.sometimes he was well-favouredly met with as the best fencer in wits school hath now and then an unhappy blow dealt him. Some thought he descended beneath himself in too much familiarity to his subjects; for he would commonly call and salute mean persons by their names: But the vulgar sort, in whose judgements the lowest starres are ever the greatest, conceived him to surpasse all his predecessours, because he was so fellow-like with them.
But whilest yet he was in minority, his mother Millesent made up his want of age with her abundant care, being governour of all: A woman in sex, but of a masculine spirit. She continued a widow: and as for childrens sake she married once; so for her childrens sake she married no more. *Epist. 206. col. 1569.S. Bernard and she spake often together by letters: He extolled her single life, How it was more honour to live a widow, then to be a Queen: *Illud tibi ex genere, istud ex munere Dei; illud feliciter nara es, hoc viriliter nacta, Epist. 289. col. 1622This she had by birth, that by Gods bounty; This she was happily begotten, that she had manfully gotten of her self. Yet we find not that she made a vow never to marry again; wherein she did the wiser: For the chastest minds cannot conclude from the present calm, that there will never after arise any lustfull storm in their souls. Besides, a Resolution is a free custody; but a Vow is a kind of prison, which restrained nature hath the more desire to break.
Chap. 25. Of Fulcher Patriarch of Ierusalem, and the insolencie of the Hospitallers against him.
WIlliam, who was last possessed of the Patriarchs chair in Jerusalem, was none of the greatest clerks. But whatsoever he was for edifying of the Church, he was excellent at building of Castles (one at Askelon, another at Ramula, a third called Blank-guard for the securing of Pilgrimes) till at last having sat in his place fifteen yeares, he was translated to heaven, and on earth Fulcher Archbishop of Tyre succeeded him.1145. An honest old man, whose weak age was much molested with the pride and rebellion of the Hospitallers, who lately had procured from the Pope a plenary exemption from the Patriarch. This his Holinesse did the more willingly grant, because hereby he made himself absolute master of all orders, pinning them on himself by an immediate dependance, and so bringing water to his mill by a straighter and nearer stream. But hereby the entirenesse of Episcopall jurisdiction was much maimed and mangled, and every Covent was a castle of rebells, armed with priviledges to fight against their lawfull Diocesan.
Now as these Hospitallers wronged the power of the Bishops, so did they rob the profit of poore Priests, refusing to pay any tithes of their Mannours, which contained many parishes (so that the Pastours who fed the flocks, were starved themselves; and having laboured all day in the vineyard, were at night sent supperlesse to bed) the Hospitallers pleading that the Pope had freed them from these duties; as if an acquittance under the hand of his Holinesse was sufficient to discharge them from paying of tithes, a debt due to God. Other foul crimes they also were guilty of: as, outbraving the temple of the Sepulchre with their stately buildings; giving the Sacraments to, and receiving of excommunicate persons; ringing their bells when their Patriarch preached, that his voice might not be heard; shooting *Tyrius, lib. 18. cap. 3.arrows into the church to disturb him and the people in Divine service; A bundle whereof were hung up as a monument of their impiety.
Fulcher the Patriarch crawled to Rome,1156. being 100 yeares old, to complain of these misdemeanours; carrying with him the Archbishop of Tyre, and five other Bishops. But he had sped better, if in stead of every one of them he had carried a bag of gold. For the Hospitallers prevented him, and had formerly been effectually present with their large bribes; so that the Patriarchs suit was very cold: And no wonder, seeing he did afford no feuel to heat it. The Cardinals eyes in the court of Rome were old and dimme; and therefore the glasse wherein they see any thing must be well-silvered. Indeed two of them, Octavian, and John of S. Martin, favoured Christs cause and his Ministers; but *Alii omnes abeuntes post munera, secuti sunt vias Balaam filii Bosor, Tyrius, lib. 18. cap. 8.all the rest followed gifts, and the way of Balaam the sonne of Bosor. But here *Annal. eccles. in anno 1155.Baronius, who hitherto had leaned on Tyrius his authority, now starteth from it: And no wonder, for his penne will seldome cast ink, when he meeteth with the corruption of the Romish court. But sure it was, that the good Patriarch wearied with delayes, returned back with his grievances unredressed. Whereupon the Hospitallers grew more insolent; and under pretense of being freed from fetters, would wear no girdle; denying not onelyonly subjection, but any filiall obedience to a superiour.