Two Popish Heretics Confuted, Confutation 3 – Rejoinder

Two Popish Heretics Confuted · Confutation 3 – Rejoinder

p. 68THE SECOND part of the Fortresse.

CAP. I.

CErtaine demaundes to Protestantes,Stapleton. putting the case that Papistes these many hundreth yeres hauehave liued in a wrong faith: all which (the case so put) they ought of necessitie to satisfie.

WHat so euer the Protestantes can say for them selues (as their credite is not great with him) except they can proue one of his two demaūds,Fulke. he thinketh no godly or wise man will regard any thing they can say.

The first demaund is, where, or vnderunder what Pope, or Emperour, Papistrie beganne. I aunswere, Papistrie being antichristianitie, the mysterie of that iniquitie began euen in the time of the Apostles, 2. Thess. 2. Claudius being Emperour of Rome, and so contiuned increasing in Apostasie, vntill the time of Sigismund the Emperour, who procured the Councel of Constance, in which the lay people were robbed of the cup of the Lordes bloud. Stapleton must beare with me, if I can not name the Pope, bicause at that time there were no lesse then three Popes at once, and no man then liuing, but as he was affectionate to one of those three, could determine which of them was Pope. This Stapleton, though he hauehave a brasen face, will not denie. He requireth vsus further to shewe the complaint of other Churches against Papistrie. First, for the beginning of the mysterie of iniquitie S. Paul complaineth, 2. Thess. 2. And for the proceeding of that which was y^e chiefe point therof, namely the tyrannie of y^e Bishop of Rome, alwayes as it shewed it selfe, some there were which complained of it. Victor is the first Bishop of Rome, which discouered the hid mysterie of iniquitie, p. 69in vsurping against his fellowe Bishops, in the time of the Emperour Seuerus, against whome complained & sharply reproued him Irenaeus Bishop of Lyons, Polycrates, and many other, Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 25. Afterward in the dayes of Theodosius, Honorius, and Arcadius, the Emperours, when the Bishops of Rome Innocentius, Bonifacius, Zosimus, Anastasius, and Celestinus vsurped more openly, in so much that they forged among them a decree of the Councel of Nice, whereby they claimed their authoritie, they were complained of by the Bishops and Church of Africa in open Councel, the forgerie detected, and decrees made, that none in Africa should appeale to any Bishop ouer the Sea. And that the Bishop of the first See should not be called prince of Priestes, nor by any such name of pride, but onelyonly Bishop of the first See. Conc▪ Mileuit. c. 22. Conc. Carth. 6. cap. 4. Conc. African c. 92. & Ep. Concil. ad Bonifac. & Caelestinum.

Afterward in the dayes of the Emperour Mauritius. when Iohn of Constantinople vsurped the title of vniuersall Bishop, as the forerunner of Antichrist, Gregorie him selfe Bishop of Rome complained of him, and pronounced that he was the forerunner of Antichrist: Wherefore Stapleton lyeth shamefully, when he saith, we make him the first Antichrist: for as I hauehave testified before, although there was in him a superstitious affection vntounto ceremonies, and that he was infected with certaine olde errours that had preuailed before his time, yet bicause he helde the foundation of saluation by Christ onelyonly, and detested the vsurpation of that Antichristian title, we account him for a member of the true Church of Christ. But after him when in the dayes of Phocas, Bonifacius by pride and symonie, had vsurped the same Antichristian authoritie, and procured that the Church of Rome should be counted head of all Churches, he was complayned of by the Church of Rauenna in Italie, which would not acknowledge that Antichristian title, neyther p. 70would submitte her selfe vntounto the whore of Babylon before the time of Donus the Pope, which was almoste seuentie yeres after: that Maister Stapleton misnameth Martianus in steede of Mauritius I will impute it to no ignorance, although, if such a faulte escape any of vsus, we are by and by cried out vponupon, to be ignorant in all antiquity, &c. Thus hauehave I aunswered Maister Stapletons demaunde, concerning the principall foundation and rocke of Papistrie, although no necessitie, suche as hee supposeth, doeth moue mee. For albeit the precise time of the entring of any heresie can not be named, yet it followeth not that the same heresie is a trueth therefore.

The second demaunde is: when, and by whome Luther was called, when he begunne to preache the Gospell? I aunswere, if calling of the Popishe Churche be lawfull, as the Papistes will not denye, Luther had suche ordinary calling, as the Churche where he liued did allowe, for he was called to be a publike teacher, before the Popes pardoner came into Saxony, against whose moste impudent blasphemies and shamelesse errours he first inueyghed, in his publike sermons. Wherefore concerning his vocation, the mouthes of Papistes ought to be stopped. But Stapleton will not be so satisfied, for he sayeth, that the Popish Churche would neuer call him to preache against her selfe: that is not materiall: the Popishe Churche gaue him such authority as she had to preache, whiche he vsed first to seeke her reformation, if she had bene reformable: but when he sawe her oppose her selfe against the manifest trueth, he had iust cause to departe from her, vntounto the Catholike Churche of CHRISTE.

It sufficeth not Stapleton, that hee learned by the Scriptures, that the Churche erred, bycause all heretikes abuse the Scriptures, as thoughe there were p. 71no certainty of trueth to be founde in the Scriptures, which blasphemie derogateth all authoritie from the holy Scriptures inspired of GOD, whiche the Apostle sayeth to bee able to reprooue all errours, that the man of GOD may be perfecte prepared to all good workes. 2. Tim. 3. ver. 16. Againe, where hee affirmeth that he had the interpretation of the Scriptures from heauen, Stapleton vrgeth, that then he must shewe some miracle, as if the ordinary inspiration of Gods spirite, (without the which no man can vnderstand any of Gods mysteries) of necessitie requireth confirmation of miracles. But Luther him selfe (he sayeth) requireth miracles of Muncer, whiche boasted of Reuelation, and so ought we to doe of Luther. No sir, Muncer boasted of an extraordinary Reuelation, and taught a doctrine directly contrary to the worde of GOD written, and therefore the case is nothing lyke. After this hee telleth a slaunderous fable out of that runnagate Baldwine, of the conference at Poissie, that Beza and Martyr could not agree, whether their calling was ordinary or extraordinary: the conclusion whereof was this, that Beza was ordeined of Caluine, and Caluine as Beza sayde of none. Which how impudent and shamelesse a lye it is, that Beza should reprote of Caluine, it is manifest to all men, that knowe the storie of that Churche, and citie of Geneua, that Caluine was called and ordeyned by the Churche there, when he was altogether vnwilling to remaine in that Citie, but in a manner compelled by the earnest obtestation of Farellus. Cal. in Praefa, in Psalm. Beza in vita Caluini.

And yet more monstruous is that lye, that Beza should grant the rebellion that followed, to be a signe of his vocation, when the worlde knoweth, that the beginning of these ciuill warres▪ came altogether from the Papistes, the Duke of Guise giuing the occasion, by the Diuelishe slaughter p. 72and buchery of Vassie. But to the principall matter in question: that Luther and some other hauing an extraordinary calling from God, to teach and reforme the Church, need not to con…irme their calling by miracles, when they teach nothing but that is confirmed by manifest authoritie of holy Scriptures, in the consciences of all men, that wilfully oppose not themselues against the trueth, either y^• they will not knowe it, or that they will not obey it: It is euident, by so many prophets, as God stirred vp, in the olde time, which had no extraordinary calling of the Church, being not of the tribe of Leui, yet being only interpreters of the lawe, needed no signes or miracle to confirme their calling.

Our Sauiour Christ himselfe confirmeth the extraordinary calling of the Scribes and Pharisees, when he willeth them, to be heard sitting in Moses chaire, of which yet a great number, and almost all, were no Leuites nor Priestes, therefore had no ordinary calling.

Yet Gregory himselfe in the history of Bede, at the first planting of the particular Church in Englande, alloweth extraordinary ordeyning of Bishops. Lib. 1. Cap. 27.

Wherefore if Luthers calling were altogether extraordinary, (as Papistes can not say, except they deny the calling of their owne Churche) he is not bound to approue his calling by miracles, when his doctrine, and all things in which hee departeth from the Church of Rome, is proued true and agreeable to the word of God.

The third demaunde is, that we must shewe a succession from the Apostles, as the Scripture witnesseth the Churche to hauehave, and the auncient fathers exacted of Heretikes.

The Scripture requireth no succession of names, persons or places, but of faith and doctrine, and p. 73that wee prooue, when we approue our faith and doctrine by the doctrine of the Apostles. Neither had☜ the fathers any other meaning in calling vponupon newe vpstart heresies for their succession, but of a succession of doctrine, as well as of persons. Which is manifest by Tertullian De praescript, Ita per successiones &c. So comming downe by successions, from the beginning that their first bishop hauehave for his authors, and antecessours, one of the Apostles or Apostolike men, but yet such a one as hath continued with the Apostles. These wordes of Tertullian are manifest, that succession of Bishoppes euen to the Apostles, helpeth not, excepte there be a continuance in the doctrine of the Apostles, whiche when the Papistes can shewe, we will gladly yeld vntounto them. In the meane time, it is not the continual succession of persons in any place, which teach contrary to their antecessours, which hauehave taught in that place, that can carry away the credite of the whole doctrine, and religion of Christe.

CAP. II.

An Introduction to the proofes which followe in the seconde part of this fortresse.Stapleton.

Repeating what he fantasieth he hath fortified before,Fulke. (which howe weake it is, I hauehave sufficiently discouered) in this Chapter: hee promiseth first to declare by diuerse sure and necessary tokens, whiche protestantes doe lacke, that the faith then planted, was a right faith: which in many principall pointes, we doe not denye, but that it was a right faith.

Secondly, repeating the difference in doctrine, gouernement, ceremonies, course and consequence of both the religions, he will prooue all that they p. 74had differring from vsus, partly by Scripture, and partly by the faith of the first sixe hundreth yeares. To which I replye. First, that what so euer was then taught contrary to that we teache, for matter of faith, can not be prooued by Scripture. Secondly, that although some errours, which then were taught, may be prooued to hauehave bene helde within the sixe hundreth yeares, yet they can not bee prooued, to hauehave bene helde alwayes, especially in the oldest times, and therefore can make no preiudice against our cause, which take not vppon vsus to allowe all thinges that were helde in sixe hundreth yeares, no more then the Papistes themselues doe. Finally, I hauehave shewed as many differences of that time from the Papistes, as he is able to shewe of vsus from them, and yet some of his differences are impudent forgeries.

CAP. III.

Fiue apostolicall markes found in our Apostles,Stapleton. and wanting in Protestantes, who must be our Apostles, if the other were not.

The Protestantes take not vppon them to be Apostles,Fulke. but professours and teachers of the Apostolike doctrine. And therefore they boast of no miracles, which is with him the first note of Augustines Apostleship: which miracles if they were testified to vsus by an Euangelist, we might well beleeue them: but seeing they are written by a credulous man, y^t recordeth eueryevery fable that was tolde him, we hauehave small cause to credite them▪ Bedes history is no Gospell. Beside that, y^e bryttish histories vtterly deny those supposed miracles, reporting Augustine to be a minister of Sathan rather then of God.

But admit that he did some of those things, as are reported of him, it might please GOD in respecte of p. 75Christian faith, which he planted among the English nation, to woorke some miracles by him, and yet not to allowe all thinges that he taught. Shall not the very workers of iniquitie saye in that daye: Lorde, wee hauehave wrought miracles in thy name, Matth. 7. vers. 22. As for the miracle supposed to bee done by Master Lane of Westchester, whiche hee scorneth at, I see not, but it is as good as the best done by Augustine, and yet for mine owne parte, I thinke it was no miracle, but a naturall worke, the mayde perhaps being affected with the mother or some such like disease.

The lyes he telleth of Luther and Caluine, out of that vngodly rascall Staphylus, I thinke not worthy to be spoken of: although he make him selfe witnesse of the one, and the other is a monstrous inuention of Sathan, which being reported to be done in a noble citie, and before so manye witnesses, can finde none that had the brasen face like Staphylus, to saye he sawe it. Which making and louing of lyes, sheweth Papistes to be the right begotten children of the diuell, the father of lyes.

The miracles reported by Master Foxe: the shamelesse beast, when he cannot denye, being testified by witnesses: aboue all exception he can make, affirmeth to be esteemed of his owne fellowes, but as ciuile things, and such as may happen by course of reason. I saye not this as though I woulde hauehave our doctrine the rather to be credited one iotte more for anye such miracle, but to shewe the shamelesse dogged stomacke of this Popishe slaunderer, which when hee had none other aunswere to make as concerning such miracles, forgeth that wee our selues denye all such to hauehave beene miracles, which he is not able to prooue, although he woulde burst for malice against the trueth.

p. 76The seconde marke and difference is, that there was one heart of the beleeuers, Augustine & his company neuer disagreed. The Protestants are at great variance among them selues, not for learnings sake, as the Concurrents in Italye, nor vppon quirkes and subtilties, in matters indifferent, as the schoolemen that holde positions; but vponupon the weightiest articles of our beleefe, as heretikes are wont to holde opinions.

I answere, among them that hauehave departed from y^e Church of Rome vntounto y^• Church of Christ, there hath beene some variance about the Lordes supper, but yet in no greater matters, then hath beene betweene two godly martyrs of the primitiue Church, Cornelius of Rome, and Cyprian of Carthage, about baptisme, although not handled with like modestie on the one part, as was then of both: yea, no greater then as yet remaineth vndecided among the Papistes, touching y^• authoritie of the Pope and the Popish generall Councell, although they all, like Pilate and Herode, the Pharisees & Saducees, can agree together to put Christ to death, and to persecute the trueth. Finally, if in the first restoring of the truth, some matters to some men were not so apparant, what marueile? when your Augustine, and ours also, as farre as he was Christes, was doubtfull and ignorant, euen in very small & trifling matters, which argued some dissention of opinion in him and his monkes, or else those questions might hauehave beene determined without sending to Rome, li. 1. Cap. 27. &c.

The thirde marke is an ordinarie vocation, which Luther lacked. I denye that Augustine had an ordinarie vocation to preach in Englande, or that the Bishop of Rome hath any ordinary authoritie, to sende Apostles into the countries of any Infidels: which if he had, they should be the Bishop of Romes apostles, and not the Apostles of Christ. For they be his apostles which hath authoritie to send them. But if Augustine p. 77had ordinary vocation by the Bishop of Rome, why had not Luther ordinary vocatiō of that church, which authorized him to preach. If you say he could hauehave no ordinarye vocation, because he was an heretike, I aunswere: It followeth not, for euen heretikes hauehave had ordinary vocatiō: namely, so many bishops and priestes of Rome, Alexandria, and other places, as after their calling hauehave fallen into heresies. Wherfore leaue his vocation, which against you is good ynough, and trye his doctrine. If his doctrine be found true, and agreeable to the worde of God, who hath stirred him vp to discouer openly the heresies of Antichrist, let not his doctrine be refused for his extraordinarie calling. The slaunders and vnlearned conclusions against Luther. I omit, as vnworthie any aunswer, being either false lyes of Staphylus, or inconsequent collections of Stapleton.

The fourth Apostolicall marke, is the continuance of 900. yeares, whereas the Protestants doctrine hath continued but 30. yeares, or as the blockheaded Papist scorneth at M. Haddon 30. yeeres except 6. with Gamaliels counsell vponupon the matter, which with this Popish priest, is good diuinitie: If this Councell or worke be of men, it will come to nought, &c. whose antecedent being true, the conclusion is stark naught. To this I aunswere: I hauehave shewed by many differences, that the religion brought in by Augustine, hath not continued without alteration in many pointes, these 900. yeares. And albeit it had, yet it is not therby proued true, because diuerse heresies hauehave continued much longer time, which are not thereby iustified, as of the circumcisers, Nestorians, &c. yea, Mahometisme, hath continued 900. yeares, begon with fained miracles, commended by Sergius a monke, which had ordinary vocation to teache, continued with great cōsent these 900. yeres, which are 4. of Stapletons apostolik marks, & also techeth many things that before were vnknowen, which is the fifth marke.

p. 78Whereas Protestants hauehave added nothing to the faith of Christ, but taken many things away from it. I answere: if Augustine with him brought in all trueth, and besides that some errours, which hauehave encreased in processe of time, thicke and threefolde, Protestants were worthie of thankes for remouing the errours, though they brought in no new matters of faith: as he is thankes worthie, which weedeth a garden or feelde, although he sowe no newe seedes therein. But it is most vntrue, that Papistes had all trueth before we discouered their errours, for the doctrine of iustification, of the worship of God, of the vse of good workes, and of the sacraments, was either almost or altogether lacking in Popery, which by the doctrine of the Gospell is restored. But now let vsus see what Protestants hauehave taken away. Forsooth: From the quicke, from the dead, from faith, from the Church, from Saints, from God. From the quicke: free will, state of perfection, and all merite of good workes. Yea, sir Pelagian, the Scripture sayeth: No quicke man shalbe iustified in the sight of God, Psalm. 143. v. 2. which taketh away all that you hauehave giuen him. From the dead: all prayer & intercession for them. When you can allow the dead these things out of the Scripture, we will not denye it to them. From the faith: an article of Christes discention into hell. A lewd lye of a slaunderous Papist. From the Church, as it is the whole bodye: fiue sacraments. Three more then Christ instituted. The continuall assistance of Gods holy spirite, promised by our Sauiour. A shamefull lye. And the visible sight in this world assured vntounto vsus by holy scripture. That Scripture is yet to shewe, whereby the Churche should be promised alwayes to be in open sight of y^• greatest parte of the worlde. From the Church, as the spirituall parte, they hauehave taken supreme gouernement in matters Ecclesiasticall. None other then such as is against the Scripture: Let eueryevery soule submit it selfe to the higher powers, Rom. 13. ver. 1. Authoritie of making that which Christ had them to make in his last supper. If you saye p. 79you make the body of Christ, in such sence as you affirme the sacrament to be the bodye of Christe, Gods cursse light on you. The doing of all that Christe commaunded to be done in remembrance of him, we take not away. The power of binding and loosing, with most of the authoritie due vntounto that estate and vocation. A very slaunder. From the Church they take Altars, crosses, Images, &c. Because the temple of God hath nothing to doe with Images, 2. Cor. 6. ver 16. From God him selfe: an externall sacrifice, the true proper seruice due to God onelyonly, and continually, as Saint Augustine prooueth at large De ciuitate Dei. A slaunder of Augustine which lib. 10. Cap. 20. calleth the Lordes supper a sacrament of the oblation of Christe, the onelyonly singuler sacrifice, so that nowe there remaineth no more sacrifice for sinne: for by one sacrifice once offered, he hath made perfect for euer those that are sanctified, Heb. 10. ver. 14. by which only sacrifice, there was forgiuenesse of our sinnes, and where there is forgiuenesse of sinnes, there is no more sacrifice for sinne, Heb. 10. 18. You see what sure and stedfast apostolike markes these are, which are founde in Mahomet, as much as in Augustine, so that if Augustine had not the worde of God to warrant the principall partes of the faith, which he preached in Englande, by these fiue markes, he might neither be proued to bee an Apostle, nor yet a true preacher.

CAP. IIII.

Differences in doctrine betweene the primitiue faith of Englande,Stapleton. and the heresie of Protestants. And first of Masse, of the propitiation thereof: of intercession of Saintes: of their commemoration at Masse time: of confession of sinnes, and of merite of good workes.

p. 80Concerning the differences, I hauehave written alreadie in answere to his table of differences.Fulke. Nowe must we see how he proueth them by testimonye of y^• firste 600. yeares. The first in this Chapter and sixth in number, is the Masse, whose name he may in deede finde within the compasse of 600. yeares, although otherwise taken then it is of papistes, but yet frō Christ vntill 400. yeares be complete, the name of Missa is not founde in any auncient authenticall writer. And therefore he beginneth with Ambrose in his Epistle E. 33. which place you shall finde discussed in mine aunswere to Heskins lib. 3. Cap. 32. letting you to vnderstande by the way, that he citeth the wordes otherwise then they be, and so doeth M. Heskins, and yet neither of thē both as they be in Ambrose: by which it appeareth, that neither of them both read them in Ambrose. Stapleton citeth them thus: Missam facere caepi: Dwum offerrem, nuntiatum est, &c. I began to say Masse: whyle I offred, worde was brought to me, &c. Ambrose saith somewhat otherwise. The next testimonies he citeth are out of Augustine, Ser. 251. & 237. de tempore, which all learned men knowe to be none of Augustines, but if they were, they be after 400. yeares beforesaide. The next is Leo, Ep. 81. Cap. 2. which in mine answere to Heskins before quoted, you shall finde handled at large. After this followe the Canons of 7. or 8. councels prouinciall, in which the name of Missa is found: but all kept aboue 400. yeares after Christ, and therfore proue not a perpetuall continuance of that name from Christ vntill the first 600. yeares ended. Besides that, the Masses so named were neither informe nor matter, that which the popish Masse is. For, concerning y^• forme, it was patched together in many partes long after the first 600. yeares, as their own Pontificall and other histories witnesse. Concerning the matter, it was not the Popish Masse, for that there was in it a Communion, and the naturall bodye of Christe was not offered therein, which within the first 600. yeares, p. 81was not beleeued to be really and corporally in the Sacrament.

The seuenth difference is: that the Masse is a propitiatorie sacrifice, and was so beleeued in the first 600. yeares. Whereof he reporteth him to Cyprian, Ser. 5. De lapsis: who sayth: The conscience of sinners is purged with the sacrifice of the priest. But Cyprians words are not so, he speaketh of them, which being fallen in time of persecution, made hast to the communion without dewe repentance, and publike satisfaction to y^• church, and prayer of the priestes made for their sinnes. Ante exomologesin factam criminis, ante purgatam conscientiam sacrificio & manu sacerdotis: before confession of their offence being made, before their conscience be purged by sacrifice & hand of the Priest, &c. These words do shewe, y^t he meaneth none other purging of their conscience by sacrifice, then by imposition of y^• priests hands, which can be no propitiatorie sacrifice, but the sacrifice of prayer of the priest for them: as for y^• sacrifice of the Masse, there is no mention of it. Againe, he reporteth him to Hierome. To. 1. in Iouinianum, saying: The Priest to offer dayly for his owne sinnes, and the people. Neither are Hieromes wordes as he citeth them, but thus: Sacerdoti, cui semper pro populo offerenda sunt sacrificia, semper orandum est. The Priest which must always offer sacrifice for the people, must always pray. Where is here the sacrifice propitiatorie of the Masse? when Hyeronyme expoūdeth his sacrifice for prayer, in the second parte of the same worke, saying that Christ In typo sanguinis sui non obiulit aquam, sed vinum. In the figure or type of his bloud offered not water but wine. Both denyeth transubstantiation & the carnall presence, & also expresseth, what manner of oblation he meaneth, when he vseth the name of sacrifice, offering, oblation, namely a sacrifice of thankesgiuing in remembrance of Christes death. Thirdly he reporteth himselfe to Ambrose, lib. 1. Offic. Cap. 48. who affirmeth: Christ to be yet offered in the Church for the remission p. 82of our sinnes. But the report of Ambrose is cleane against him. Antè agnus offerebatur, offerebatur vitulus. Nūc Christus offertur: sed offertur quasi homo, quasi recipiens passionem, & offert se ipse quasi sacerdos, vt peccata nostra remittat Hîc in imagine, ibi in veritate, vbi apud parem pro nobis quasi aduocatus interuenit. Before a lambe was offered, a calfe was offered. Now Christ is offered: but he is offered as a man, as suffering his passion, and he offreth him selfe as a priest, that he may forgiue our sinnes. Here in an image, there in trueth, where hee maketh intercession for vsus as an aduocate with the father. What can be more euident against the sacrifice of the Masse? then that he sayeth, Christe is offered here in an image, not in trueth: he is offered by him selfe, not by a popish priest: he is offered as a man suffering his passion, therefore not in an vnbloudy sacrifice, but in an image of his bloudie sacrifice.

Fourthly, he reporteth him selfe to Gregorie Nazianzene Orat. 1. in Iulianum, who sayeth, that by the oblation of this sacrifice we are made partakers of the passion of Christ. He speaketh not of the Masse, but thus he saith: Mox incruenti sacrificii oblatione manus commaculat, per quod nor Christo vnimur, nec non passionis ac diuinitatis eius participes reddimur. Anon he defileth his handes with the offring of the vnbloody sacrifice, by which wee are vnited to Christ, and are made partakers of his passion and diuinitie. He calleth the ministration of the communion, the oblation of the vnbloudie sacrifice, as the fathers of that time did speake vnproperly. But else where he sheweth expressely, that the onelyonly sacrifice of Christes death, is a propitiatorie sacrifice, and such as cannot be repeated. In sanct Pasc. Or. 4. Magnum illud & insacrificabile (vt ita dicam) sacrificium, quod in prima natura legalibus intermixtum est hostiis, non pro parua orbis parte, neque pro paucis, sed toto mundo purgationem obtulit aeuiternam. That great and vnsacrificable sacrifice (as I may call it) which in the first age was set foorth by the sacrifices of the lawe, he offered p. 83to be an eternall purgation not for a small parte of the world, nor for a fewe, but for the whole world.

His fift report out of the counterfait Epistle of Alexander Bishop of Rome, I will not vouchsafe to aunswere.

His sixt reporter is Origen. Hom. 13. in Leuiticum, who writeth of the commemoration that Christ commaunded in his last supper to be done, that: Ista est commemoratio sola quae propitium facit hominibus Deum. This is the onelyonly commemoration which purchaseth propititation and mercy of GOD to men. Although here be neuer a worde of the sacrifice of the Masse, yet howe shamefully he applyeth onelyonly to the commemoration of the last supper that which Origen speaketh not of that onelyonly, but of the propitiation by faith in his bloud, you shall easily see by Origens whole sentence, out of which he hath gelded this patch: Sed parua satis & tenuis est huiusmodi intercessio. Quantum enim profecit ad repropitiandun, vbi vniuscuiusque tribus per panem fructus, per fructus opera considerāda sunt? Sed si referantur haec ad mysterii magnitudinem, inuenies commemorationem istam habere ingentis repropitiationis effectum. Si redeas ad illum panem qui de coelo descendit, & dat huic mundo vitam: illum panem propositionis, quem praeposuit Deus propitiationem per fidem in sanguine eius: & si respicias ad illam commemorationem de qua dicit dominus: hoc facite in meam commemorationem: inuenies quòd ista est commemoratio sola, quae propitium faciat hominibus Deum. Speaking of the shewe breade of the Lawe, he sayeth: But smal and little worth is such intercession. For howe much hath it profited vntounto propitiation, where the fruit of eueryevery tribe by bread, & by their fruit their works are to be cōsidered? But if these things be referred to the greatnes of the misterie, thou shalt find this commemoration to hauehave effect of great propitiation. If thou returne to that bread which came downe from heauen, and giueth life to the world: that bread of proposition, which God hath set forth to bee a propitiation by faith in his blood: p. 84and if thou look vntounto that commemoration, of which the Lord sayeth: do this in remembrance of mee, thou shalt finde that this is the onelyonly cōmemoration which maketh God merciful to men. Thus you see that Origen taketh not the sacrament alone, but Christ and faith in his blood, wherof the sacrament is a commemoration, to be the only propitiation for our sinnes, figured in the shew breade.

His last man is Augustine, De ciuitate Dei, li. 22. Ca. 8. Vir tribunitus Hesperius &c. Hesperius a worshipful man who is with vsus, hath in his territorie of Fussala a piece of ground called Cuber. In y^• which place, vnderstanding his house to be vexed with euil spirits, to y^• great affliction of his cattell and seruants, required in my absence our priests, that some of them would go thither, by whose prayers they might depart. One went thither. He offered there the sacrifice of the bodye of Christ, praying as much as he was able, that the same vexation might cease. Incontinently through y^• merciemercy of God … ceased. Here is nothing but the name of sacrifice, which the fathers then vsed vnproperly for y^• celebration of the communion. But that by merite of that sacrifice, God was pacified to cast out those diuels. Augustine sayeth not, but Stapleton absurdly gathereth. For Augustine calleth the death of Christe the singuler and onelyonly true sacrifice. Cont. advers. leg. & proph. lib. 1, Cap. 18. Therefore the communion was vnproperly a sacrifice, but of thanks giuing, as the same Augustine writeth De fide ad Pet. Cap. 19 & Cont. aduers. leg. & Proph. lib. 1. Cap. 20. Wherefore his Popish bragg notwithstanding, here is neuer an ancient father within the 600. yeares that acknowledgeth the propitiatorie sacrifice of the Masse.

The eight difference, is intercession of saints, which Protestants abhorre. There is no man denyeth, but that this errour preuailed within the time of the first 600. yeares, and namely in the later 300. years. For in the first 300. there is nothing to be found, whereby it p. 85may be gathered. Epiphanius accompteth inuocation of Angels an heresie of the Caiani. Tom. 3. H. 38. And although some shewe of inuocation of saints in the later time may be excused by rethorical exornation, as M. Grindall truely sayd, & some prayers for the dead, as y^t of Ambrose for Theodosius, whome both he calleth a perfect seruant of god, & yet prayth fos his rest, which agreeth not with popish prayers for them in Purgatory: yet it is confessed y^t this was one of y^• spots of that time, which being not proued by scripture, can be nothing else but a superstition of men. What said I? can it not be proued by scripture? beholde the learned clerke M. Stapl. proueth it out of S. Peter, Ep. 2. Ca. 1. I thinke it right as long as I am in this tabernacle, to stirre you vp and admonish you, being certeine that I shall shortly leaue this tabernacle, according as our Lord Iesus Christ hath signified vntounto me. But I will endeuour also to hauehave you often after my death, that you may remember these things. Here is a strange kind of translation of these wordes of his owne Latine texte. Dabo autem operam & frequenter habere vos post obitū meū, vt horum memoriam faciatis. But I will endeuour also y^t you may hauehave after my departure, whereby to make remembrance of these things. For I wil neither trouble him with the Greeke text, which perhaps he regardeth not, nor with Erasmus translation, which are without all ambiguitie. But I apeale to Grāmarians, whether habere vos, in this place may be reasonably construed, to hauehave you, or else be resolued by vt habeatis vos, that you may hauehave. His collection is more monstrous then his construction: for thus he addeth immediatly after his translation. I aske here: How will S. Petter after his death endeuour and procure, that the people may remember his sayings? They will not, I dare say, say that he will come in a vision, or by reuelation vntounto them. What remaineth then, but that he will further them with his good prayers? And so doe the auncient Greeke Scholies expound this place. And I aske here: Howe prooue you that S. p. 86Peter after his death will endeuor & procure for them? O shamelesse corruption. S. Peter saith, that bicause he hath not long to liue, he will not only put them in remembrance liuing, but also leaue his Epistle, that it may be a perpetuall admonition of them, euen after he is deade. But the auncient Greeke Scholies (as he saith) doe so expound it. Why are not those Scholies set downe, and their antiquitie shewed to be within the compasse of the first sixe hundreth yeares? In deede Occumenius which liued about fiue hundreth yeres last past, reporteth that some did wrest that text vntounto such a sense, but they which did simplie handle y^• words of S. Peter, did expound it as I hauehave done before.

The 9. difference, is commemoration of Saintes at Masse time. If you meane commemoration onelyonly, as I hauehave shewed before, we make it in our Communion, and therefore this is no difference, but a lye of Master Stapleton, for we say: Therefore with Angels and Archangels, and all the holy companie of heauen, we laude and magnifie &c. Likewise in the Collectes mention is made of the Apostles, whose memorie our Church doth keepe. In deede, we vse no inuocation of Saints, which was vsed within the latter 300. yeares, but not to be proued in the first 300 yeares. Neither do we thinke the honour of Saintes to be a dishonour to God, but such honour as robbeth God of his glorie, which he will not communicate with any creature. But Augustine sheweth the memorie of Martyrs to be kept of the Christian people, Ad excitandam imitationem, & vt merius eorum consocietur atque orationibus adi…uetur. To stirre vp imitation, and that they may be ioyned in fellowship of their merites, and helped with their praiers. The fellowship of their merites, he meaneth to be made like them in good workes. For he acknowledged no desert of our good workes, but onelyonly the mercy of God. It is pitie that Iulian the Apostata had so great occasion to charge the Christians with superstition of sepulchres, whereof they had no ground in the Scriptures. p. 87Although Cyrillus defendeth no superstition, but only a reuerent estimation of the tombes of the Martyrs for their vertues sake, after the example of the heathen. Againe he saith, that the reliques of the dead were not seene bare, and negligently cast vponupon the earth, but well laide vp: and hidden in the bosome of their mother in the deapth of the earth, wherein they differred not a little from the vsage of Papistes, about their reliques. Cyrill. Contr. Iulian lib. 10. The pride of Eustachius in contemning the publike Churches, ministring in corners, we condemne with the Councel of Gangra. Concerning the reading of the passions of Martyrs in the Church, which he cauilleth that Master Iewell left out in his replie to Doctor Harding, out of the seuen and fourtie Canon of the Councel of Carthage 3. Bartholmewe Garizon confesseth, that it is an addition, and without all such addition, the same that M. Iewell requireth, that nothing be read in the Church, but the canonicall bookes, as the 59. Canon of the Councel of Laodicea.

The 10. difference is of confession and penance, in which he maketh two kinds, open confession & priuate, for the open confession vsed in the primitiue Church, he bringeth many proofes out of Actes 19. Augustine, Tertullian, Cyprian, the councel of Nice. Which need not, for we graunt that it was vsed, & we our selues according to such discipline as our Church of England hath, doe vse it, that publique and notorious offenders make publique confession of their faultes, for satisfaction of the congregation. But when this publique confession was abused, he saith, that this practise of the Church and the counsel of S. Iames, willing Christians to confesse one before an other, was restrained to the auricular confessiō of y^• priest only. But neither he sheweth when, nor by what authoritie the counsel of y^• the Apostle, and practise of the Church was thus altered. He citeth an Epistle of Innocentius ad Decentium. cap. 7. to proue, That particular confession was not first instituted p. 88in the Councel of Latarane, as Caluine babbleth, but that if a man were diseased, he should not tarrie for the time of Easter, but Mox confiteri, be shriuen out of hand, which was not done in the face of the Church, but priuatly in the chamber. Whereas this Mox confiteri for all his shamelesse and ignorant babling, is not at al in that chapter, which is this. De poenitentibus verò, qui siue ex grauioribus commissis, saue ex leuioribus panitentiam gerunt. si nulla interueniat aegritudo, quinta feria ante Pascha eis remittēdum, Romanae ecclesiae consuetudo demonstrat. Coetterùm de pondere aestimando delictorum, sacerdotis est iudicare, vt attendat ad confessionem poenitentis, & ad fletus atque lachrymas corrigentis, ac nom iubere dimitti, cùm viderit congruam satisfactionem. Sane, si quis in aegritudinem inciderit, atque vsque ad desperationem deuenerit, ei est ante tempus pasche relexandum ne de saeculo absque communione discedat. Nowe concerning penitents, which either for greater or smaller offences do penance, if no sicknesse come betweene, the custome of the Church of Rome sheweth, that they must be released the fifth day before Easter. But as for esteeming their offences, it is the priestes part to iudge, that he may giuegive heede to the confession of him that repenteth, & to the teares and weeping of him that amendeth, and then to bid him be dismissed, when he shall see conuenient satisfaction. But truely if any man fall into sicknesse, and that he be come euen to desperation, he must be released before the time of Easter, that he depart not out of the world without the Communion. Here is no word of shriuing, for the cōfession was made publikely before penance inioyned, and if in this case, of necessitie there were confession in the chamber, it is not proued to be auricular, nor common to all men without the case of necessitie. That which he citeth afterward out of Hierome in Eccles. cap. 10. is meant of asking counsel of an afflicted conscience. For Innocentius that was after Hieronyme, testifieth of the publike confession of the Church. The rest also that he citeth out of Augustine and Cyprian is plaine of open confession, and neuer p. 89a word of auricular cōfession inioyned by Papists vnderunder paine of damnation he can bring within the first 600. yeres. Wherefore I will helpe him. Sozomenus lib. 7. cap. 16. sheweth, that in the Church of Constannople, a Priest was appointed, which should heare confessions of them that came to him, and inioyning penance, should absolue them, but by Nestorius this order of confession was taken away, bicause a certain noble woman was corrupted in the Church by a Deacon. Where also he sheweth, that the custome of Rome was to do open penance, and not priuate. This writer testifieth of priuate cōfession vsed and abolished within the 600. yeares, but with infinite inconueniences instituted a fresh in y^• later Romish Councel of Latrane.

The 11. difference is of the merite of good workes, which he will proue by Scripture, first out of Ecclesiasticus 16. All mercy shall make place to eueryevery man according to the merite of his workes. Which is neither canonicall scripture, nor rightly tāslated, for according to y^• truth of the Greeke it is thus. He wil giuegive place to al good deeds, and eueryevery one shal find according to his works. The second text is 1. Pet 4. Charitie couereth the multitude of sinnes. By which y^• Apostle meaneth (as Salomon, out of whose Prouerbes he citeth it) that euen as hatred causeth brawling, and discouering of mens infirmities, so charitie couereth and concealeth the multitude of our brothers offences. This is nothing for merite. The third place. 2. Pet. 1. When he biddeth vsus to labour, to make sure our vocation & election by good workes. By which words the Apostle willeth vsus to confirme vntounto our selues the certaintie of our calling and election, (which is most certaine to God,) by the necessarie effectes and fruites of our election and calling, which are good workes, not the cause, but the effect and end of our election. He hath chosen vsus that we might be holy Ephe. 1. not bicause we were holy. His fourth text is, 2. Cor. 8. Let your aboundance supplie their lacke, that their aboundance may supplie your lacke also. Which I agree with him, and Theodoret p. 90to be the communiō of Saints, but I denie that the communion of Saints is of merites, but of graces and benefites of God.

The last text is Col. 1. S. Paul perfourmed in his flesh such as lacked of the passions of Christ, that is, the effectes and fruits therof, which was to suffer with Christ, for his body, which is the Church, meaning that the Church and not he onelyonly should hauehave merite thereby. This blasphemie was farre from S. Pauls meaning, who saith not, that he should merite any thing which Christe had not merited, but that he as a member, should suffer that which Christ had not suffered, who suffered as the head for our eternall redemption, and Paul as a member suffered to be made conformable to the head, not to redeeme the Church, but to giuegive testimonie to the Gospell of saluation, for the edifying of the Church. Wherefore I wil conclude with Ambrose ad Virgin. exhor. Vnde mihi tantum meriti est, cui indulgentia pro coronae est? Whence should I hauehave so great merite, when mercy is my crown? and with Augustine in Psal. 43. Quid dicturi sumus? merita nostra fecisse vt nobis illa salus perpetua mitteretur à domino? absit: si merita nostra aliquid facerent, ad damnationem nostram veniret. What shall we say? that our merites hauehave caused that this perpetual saluation should be sent to vsus from the Lord? God forbid. If our merites did any thing, it should come to our damnation.

CAP. V.

Of the single life in the Cleargie,Stapleton. of the state of Virginite in Nunnes, of Monkes and Friers, of the vowed profession of both.

The 12. difference is the single life of the Cleargie.Fulke He saith we reade expressely lib. 1. cap. 27. in Bedes historie, that none of the Cleargie had wines that were within holy orders. Howe expressely we reade, you shal heare the very words of his own trāslatiō. And if there be any among y^• Cleargie out of holy orders, which cannot liue chast, they shall take wiues, and hauehave their stipend allowed p. 91them without. Here is no expresse words, that none of the Cleargie that were within holy orders had wiues: but a particular order for Augustine, and in respecte that he was a Monk, not to hauehave his portion of the oblations seuered frō his Cleargie, & if any of his Cleargy were married, so that he was not to liue in the College among vnmarried men, that he should hauehave his stipende allowed abroade. For the manner of the see Apostolike was then, (as Gregory saith) whiche the Papistes nowe obserue not, to giuegive commaundement to such as be made bishops, that all maner of oblations that are giuen, be diuided into 4. portions. And the one thereof giuen to the Bishop toward his hospitality, the other to the Cleargie, the third to the poore, the fourth to the reparation of the Churches. So that there is no rule for the Cleargie of other Bishops, y^t were no Monkes, but that they might marrie, if they could not liue chaste, as wel within holy orders as without, & so was the practise of the Churche of England, more then 400. yeares after, vntil the decree of Lanfrancus. Anno 1076., who yet was more fauourable to them that had wiues, then Stapleton, which would hauehave them put away. Decretū est, vt nullus Canonicus vxorē habeat, Sacerdotū verò in Castellis vel in vicis habitantium habentes vxores, non cogantur ut dimittant: non habentes interdicantur, ut habeant. Et deinceps caueant Episcopi, vt sacerdotes vel diacones non praesumant ordinare, nisi prius profiteantur vt vxores non habeant. It is decreed, y^t no Canon may hauehave a wife. But of Priestes dwelling in townes and villages, suche as hauehave wiues, let them not be compelled to put them away. But such as hauehave not, let them be forbidden to hauehave. And from hencefoorth let Bishops take heede, that they presume not to ordeine priestes or deacons, excepte they doe first professe to hauehave no wiues.

This decree prooueth that before this time, not onelyonly married men were ordeined priests, but also that priestes after they were ordeined did take wiues. The same is prooued by the woordes of the Epistle of p. 92Gerardus, which was afterward Archb. of Yorke, vntounto Anselm Archb. of Canterbury. Cum ad ordines aliquos inuito, dura ceruice renituntur, ne in ordinando castitatē profiteantur. When I call any to orders, they resist with a stiffe necke, that in taking order they doe not professe chastitie. But nowe when this iolye fortifier should proue the single life of all the Cleargie in the first sixe hundreth yeares, he can bring nothing but certaine decrees, that such as were promoted to priesthoode vnmarried, should not after marrie, yet he confesseth that there were many married men taken vntounto the order of priesthoode, but seldome, he saith, in the Latine Church. Yet let vsus see his authorities: first Augustine lib. 2. cap. vlt. de adulter. in coniugis: sayth that they were wont to bring example of the continencye of Clearkes, to perswade men to absteine from adulterous marriages. Solemus eis proponere etiam continentiam clericorum, qui plerum que ad eandem sarcinam subcundam capiuntur inviti, eam que susceptam vsque ad debitum finem Domino iuuante producunt. We are wont to set before them the continencie of Clearkes, which are oftentimes taken against their willes to beare the same burthen, & when they hauehave taken it vppon them doe bring it to the due end, the Lord assisting them. Of this he gathereth, that the Cleargie in Saint Augustines dayes refrained from wiues all the dayes of their life, which as it is true of some, so it is vtterly false of all. Againe the compulsion which he speaketh of, was not vntounto continencie, but vntounto the ministerie, and in the ministery not of necessitie of greater estimation. As the words immediately following do declare. Dicimus ergo eis, quid si & vos ad hoc subeundum populorum violentia caperemini: nonne susceptum castè custodiretis officium, repentè conuersi ad impetrandas vires a Domino de quibus nunquam anteà cogitastis? Sed illos inquiunt honor consolatur. Respondemu…, & vobis aempliùs limor moderetur. Si enim hoc multi Dei ministri repentè atque inopinatè impositum susceperunt, sperantes se illustriùs in Christi haereditate fulgere, quanto magia p. 93vos adulteria cauendo vivere debetis, metuentes non in regno Dei minus lucere, sed in Gehennae ignibus ardere. We say therefore vntounto them. What if you also were taken by the violence of the people to beare the same? Would you not keepe chastely the office taken vponupon you: being sodenly turned, to obtaine of the Lorde suche strength as before you neuer thought of? But the honour (say they) doth comfort them. We answere. And feare should more restraine you. For if many ministers of God hauehave taken vponupon them this thing beeing layde vponupon them sodenly and vnlooked for, hoping that they shal shine more notably in the inheritaunce of Christ: howe much more ought you to liue so as you beware of adulterie, fearing not to shine lesse in the kingdome of God, but to burne in the fiers of hell?

Next he citeth a Canon ascribed to the Apostles, out of Iustinian confirmed in the sixt generall councell of Constantinople in Trullo. Ex coniugatis, &c. Of suche as come to the cleargie vnmarried and after wil marrie, we permit that onelyonly to the readers and singers. Neuerthelesse he confesseth, that Zonoras expoundeth this so, that if any refuse to liue chaste beeing asked at his orders taken, he is permitted first to marrie, and then admitted to the ministery. And the councell of Constantinople in the same sixt Canon. Si quis autem eorum qui in Clerum accedunt, velit lege matrimonii mutieri coniungi, antequam Hypodiaconus vel Diaconus vel presbyter ordinetur, hoc faciat. But if any of them whiche come into the Cleargie, will be ioyned to a woman by the lawe of matrimony, let him doe it before he be ordeyned Subdeacon, Deacon or Priest. Where is nowe the necessitie of single life in the Cleargie.

After this he citeth the councell of Ancyra Can. 10. which is cleane contrary to his purpose, if he had recited it whole as he only taketh the tayle. The Canon is this. Diaconi quicunque cùm ordinantur, si in ipsa ordinatione protestati sunt dicentes, velle se habere vxores, nec posse se continere, hi postea si ad nuptias venerint, maneant in p. 94ministerio, proptereà quod his Episcopus licentiā dederit. Quicun que sanè tacuerunt & susceperum manu… impositionem, professi continentiam, si postea ad nuptia… venerint, a ministeria cessare debebunt. Whoso euer when they are ordeyned Deacons, if in the very time of their ordeyning, they make protestation and say, that they will hauehave wiues, & that they can not conteyne, if these afterward come to be married, let them remaine in the ministery, because the Bishop hath giuen them licence. But truely whosoeuer hath helde their peace, and receiued imposition of handes, professing continence, if after they marrie, ought to ceasse from the ministery. This Canon sheweth, that it was lawfull for the Cleargie beeing in holy orders to marrie, if they professed not continence, to which profession none was bound, as they are in Poperie.

Againe if after profession they married, they were not deuorced as Papistes vsed in Queene Maries time, but commaunded to absteine from the ministerie.

The last authoritie he citeth is out of the Synode of Neocaesaria presbiter, &c. A priest if he marrie a wife ought to be deposed from his order. It followeth in the same Canon. But if he committe fornication or adulterie, he must be moreouer cast out of the Church, and driuen to doe penance among lay men. This was a decree of 17. Bishops in the prouince of Paulus Polemoniaca, and is to be vnderstoode of such a priest as professed continencie. Whose marriage yet was not made voide, but he put out of his office, whereas he that had committed fornication, was put both out of the ministerie, and of the Church, which seeing the Papistes obserue not in their lecherous priestes, they hauehave small right to vse this Canon, which yet bindeth none but that prouince that made it.

Nowe where he saith, it was a rare thing for the Cleargie of the Latine Church to be married, Hierome no friende to marriage, shall testifie the contrary, who speaketh of it as of an ordinary matter. Eliguntur p. 95mariti in sacerdotium, non nego, quia non sunt tanti virgines quanti necessarii sunt Sacerdotes. Married men are chosen vntounto the Priesthood, I denye not, because there are not so many virgines, as it is necessary there should be priestes. And Oceano he confesseth that by the doctrine of the Apostles, priestes might hauehave wiues, complayning that in his time all other qualities of a minister described by the Apostle were neglected, onelyonly the libertie of marriage looked vntounto. Qui dixit vnius vxoris virum, &c. He that saide the husbande of one wife, euen he commaunded that he should be vnreproueable, sober, wise, comely, harberous, a teacher, modest, not giuen to wine, no fighter, no quareller, not couetous, no young nouice in the faith. Ad haec omnia claudimus oculos, solas videmus vxores. At all these thinges we shut our eyes, we see nothing but their wiues.

Likewise in Aggeum Cap. 1. He inueygheth against the rulers of the Churche, which building their carnal house, prouiding for their children & possessions, neglected the building of the temple of God. Againe in Epi. ad Eph. li. 3. Ca 6. He inueygheth against Bishops and priests of his time, that broughtvp their children in secular and prophane learning, peraduenture at the charges of the Church. Yea diuers Popes hauehave ben married men, for Pope Siluerius was sonne of Pope Hormisda, as the very pontifical witnesseth: and Beda sheweth lib. 2. cap. 1. that Pope Felix was great grandfather to Pope Gregory.

I will spende no more time in so cleare a matter. Wherefore the single life required of necessitie in the Cleargie, is not prooued within the 600. yeares so often named.

The thirteenth difference is, of the state of virginitie in men and women. Such state protestantes acknowledge not, but rather abhorre it, and persecute it. It is a mere slander, for we honour virginitie that is not counterfet, in thē that had made them selues chaste for the kingdome of heauen. But when Master Stapleton will make p. 96virginitie impossible to no man, he is directly contrary to our Sauiour Christ. Non omnes &c. all men can not receiue this saying, but they to whome it is giuen; Mat. 19. and to Saint Paule. 1. Cor. 7. Qui non conunet, he that can not conteine, let him marrie. I confesse also, that within the sixe hundreth yeares, there were some Colleges of virgines, which differed as muche from Popishe Nunnes, as many Popish Nunnes from honest women. They liued not idly, as Popish Nunnes, of their landes and reuenewes, but with spinning, and making of cloth, they mainteined themselues, August. De moribus Eccl. Catholi…ae Cap. 31. They liued continently, or else they married. Popish Nunnes though they liue neuer so incontinently, yet will they neuer marrie. Epiph. lib. 2. Tom. 1. Her. 61. Popishe Nunnes are for the moste part, like those Monkes and Nunnes of the heretikes, Originiani Turpes. Non student Castitati, sed simulatae castitati, & nomen sal…ē habenti. They study not for chastity, but such as is fayned chastity, and hath only a name of chastitie Volentes esse in honore propter putatam apud ipsos castitatis exercitationem. Willing to be in honour, for the supposed exercise of chastitie among them, when there is nothing lesse then chastitie.

Concerning the rule of Augustine Ep. 109. praescribed to the virgines that tumultuously and seditiously would hauehave chaunged their gouernesse, if we doe admitte it to be written by Saint Augustine, yet it is not sufficient to authorize the superstitious orders of Popish Nunnes. Among whom their habite is not the least part of their superstition, which Augustine in his virgines forbiddeth to be notable or differing from other women. Non sit notabilis habitus vester, nec affectetis vestibus placere, sed moribus. Let not your apparell be such as may be noted or marked, neither desire ye to please with garments, but with manners. The like writeth Hierome concerning the apparell of virgines of his time. Againe Saint Augustines virgines were not bound to their Cloyster, but might departe, p. 97if they liked not the seueritie of their rule, or else were expulsed from thence. Conuicta secundum praeposuae vel praesbyteri arbitrium debet emandatoriam sustinere vindictam, quam si fortè recusauerit, & siipsa non abscesserit, de vestra societate proijciatur. She that is conuicted (but of wanton lookes) according to the decree of the Gouernesse or priest, ought to sustaine a punishment for her amendment, which if she refuse to beare, and if she her selfe depart not away, let her be caste cleane out of your societie. If this rule were obserued, fewe Popish Nunnes should be left in their Cloysters. Moreouer, Saint Augustines virgins were commanded to vnderstand what they did pray or sing, not one among fortie of Popish Nunnes vnderstand their Popishe seruice which they sing. Psalmis & Hymnis cùm oratis Deū, hoc versetur in corde, quod profertur in voce. When you pray to God with Psalmes and Hymnes, let that be in your heart which is pronounced in your voyce. These and many other differences may be obserued whiche are sufficient to confute Stapleton, which would make his Popish Nunnes al one with y^e virgins of the ancient & purer Church. But Eusebius out of Philo sheweth y^e euen in the Apostles time there were foreign Oratories and Monasteries of men & women lib. 2. cap. 16. It is true y^e Eusebius so iudgeth: but who so readeth Philo his own writing shall plainly see y^• he speaketh rather of a sect of Iewes at Alexandria giuen to contēplatiō, & not of Christians. Beside this y^e monasteryes which he speaketh of were not Abbies, wherin they liued, but only solitary places of study for a time. For in them they had neither meate nor drink, as Philo expressely affirmeth. To conclude, seing that in the scripture we hauehave no commandement for virgins, we commend them y^• hauehave the gift, & exhort them so to continue. But seeing the gift is rare in our dayes, and the examples of them that hauehave professed virginitie, and liued abhominably, are too many, we thinke it neither needful nor expedient, to set vp Colleges of virgines, p. 98nor to exact any vowe of them, but to leaue them to their conscience and liberty, which the holy Ghoste hath giuen them.

The fourteenth difference is of Monks and religious men, as though none were religious, but Monkes. I confesse they had within the sixe hundreth yeares, men that liued a solitary life, called Monachi, Anachoreti, Fremitae &c. but no more lyke our Popish boares, liuing in their frankes, then angels are like to diuels. Their differences I hauehave shewed euen out of Bede in the table of differences. But Stapleton saith, that the faultes of a fewe ought not to hauehave caused subuertion of the whole orders. I answere, they were so fewe that offended, that they were almost all naught. And what be the Monkes of Flaunders where he dwelleth at this day? be they much reformed? Is not idlenes, drunkennesse, brawling their greatest exercise, when they be free from idolatrie and superstition? Howe many learned men be in those Cloysters that are diligent preachers, euen in the Popishe Churche? What their chastity is God knoweth. But the Country speaketh euil of them. In his title of the Chapter, he speaketh of Friers, whereof I had great maruell to see his impudency, that would promise to prooue them to hauehave bene within the first sixe hundreth yeares, that sprong not vp more then twelue hundreth yeares after Christ. But in this section of the Chapter there is no worde of them. Neither could the Popishe Monkes themselues abide them, euer since their arising.

The fifteenth difference is vowes of virginitie, both in men and women, and here he bringeth in Friers in the Diuels name, to be as auncient as S. Augustine, Whose wordes he thus translateth in 1. Tom. 5. Nemo ergo positus in Monasterio frater, dicat, recedo de Monasterio. Therefore let no Frier placed in a Monastery, say, I will departe out of the Monasterie &c. This testimony of Saint Augustine (he saith) may suffice to shewe that in the p. 99Church of the first sixe hundreth yeares both Friers & Nunnes vowed virginitie &c. Surely my lunges will not serue me to crie loude ynough against the impudencie of this shamelesse creature, that to abuse the ignoraunt, translateth Frater, in S. Augustine, by y^e Popish French-English name of Frier, to make them beleeue, that the Augustine friers were instituted by Saint Augustine, which are not yet two hundreth yere olde. For about the yeare of our Lorde one thousand foure hundreth and sixe, this order of Friers vnderunder the name of Saint Augustine, was first erected by one Redus Comes montis granelli, and one Gualterus Marsus his coadiutor at Fesula a Citie of Hetruria, confirmed by Gregory 12. one of the two Popes, that then ruled the rost both togeher, the one in Italy the other in France. Cronic. Cronicorum. Herm. Sched.

Nowe touching the vowe of virginitie made in those auncient times, that it was not free to returne to the worlde as both Erasmus and Polidore affirme, whom he chargeth very fondly and ignorantly so to write. How farre it did binde, you shall heare, first out of Epiphanius, and then out of Hierome. Epiphanius contra Apost. Haer. 61. lib. 2. To. 1. thus writeth.

Melius est iraque vnum peccatum habere & non plura. Melius est lapsum a cursu palam sibi vxorem sumere secundum legem, & a virginitate multo tempore poenitentiam agere. & sic rursus ad Ecclesiam induci, v…lut qui mala operatus est, velut lapsum & fractum & obligatione opus habentem: & non quotidie occultis iaculis sauciari ab improbitate quae a diabolo ipsi infertur. Sic noui… Ecclesia praedicare. Haec sunt sanationis medicamenta. Therefore it is better to hauehave one sinne and not many. It is better for him whiche is fallen from his course, openly to take him a wife, according to the lawe, and to repent long time from his virginitie, and so to bee brought againe vntounto the Church, as one that hath wrought euill, as one that is fallen and broken, and hauing neede of binding vp, and not to be daily wounded with secret dartes, which p. 101of the deuill are caste against him. So knoweth the Churche to preach, those be the medicines of healing.

Saint Hierome ad Demetriadem writeth thus. Sanctum virginum propositum & Coelestis angelorum que familiae gloriam, quarundam non bene se agentium nomen infamat. Quibus aperte dicendum est, vt aut nubant si se non possunt continere, aut contineant si nolunt nubere. The report of some that behaue not themselues wel, slaundereth the holy purpose of virgines, and the glorie of the heauenly and Angelical familie. To whome it must be said openly, that either they should marrie, if they can not conteine, or else they should conteine, if they wil not marrie. Wherfore by these two doctors iudgment, our doctrine differeth not from the doctrine of the primitiue Churche, within the sixe hundreth yeares after Christe.

CAP. VI.

Of prayer for the dead,Stapleton. Of solempnitie in Christian b…rialles, Of houseling before death, Of reseruation of the sacrament. Of the sygne of the crosse, Of Benediction of Bishoppes.

The sixteenth difference is prayer for the dead,Fulke. with dirige, and Masse in the morning, the fortification thereof he leaueth, because it is done sufficiently by another, he meaneth Maister Allen of purgatory, and for the assault and battery of that peece, I also referre the reader to my ouerthrowe of the same defence.

The seuenteenth difference is solemnitie of Christian buriall, which is vsed and allowed of vsus so farre as it is without superstition He alledgeth that Paulious did write to Saint Augustine, from the sea coastes of Italy to the sea costes of Affrica, to be fully p. 100instructed, whether the holines of the place any thing auayled the buriall of the body, &c. But why did not he send nearer home, to the Apostolike see of Rome, the Pope whereof (or else you lye) can not erre? For Augustine was not able to resolue him, who although he suppose this benefite there may be, that the friends of the body buried neare a martirs tombe, may be occasioned thereby in remembring the place of his buriall, to commend his soule to that Martyr, yet he can not tell how the Saintes departed should know the requestes of them that liue. Cap. 16. lib. De cura pro mortuis: and except this occasion of praying for their soules, he knoweth not what the holinesse of the place can helpe them, wherein he differeth from Papistes,Cap. 2. that thinke it a great matter of it selfe, to be buried in a holy place, which of them for that purpose is exorcised and hallowed.

The 18. difference is: Houseling before death, which the sacramentaries make to be of no necessitie, because they binde the sinner to a number of other communicantes. If it be a matter of necessitie, how is it with all infantes, how with many that die sodenly, &c. are all such damned? But he sayeth, the practise of the primitiue Church proueth it to be necessary, as in the example of Serapion Euseb. lib, 6. cap. 44. and of Satyrus Saint Ambroses brother In obitum Satyri, &c. And is it euen so? Doeth the example of one man that was excommunicated, and could not be quiet vntill he had receiued the communion, and of an other that neuer receiued it, nor was baptised, prooue it necessary for all men? Yea (saith Stapleton) who will reade onelyonly but one Canon of the Nicene councell, shal finde therein not only a generall commandement for al Christendome, but also the auncient practise of the Church before that time. And I say who so will reade not only the whole Canon, but the very title thereof, shall finde, that it was a remission only for excommunicated persons. C…no. 12. De excommunicatis a saeculo ex…untibus. Of excōmunicated persōs departing this world, De his verò p. 102qui recedunt ex corpore antiquae legis reguia obseruabitur eti… nunc, ita vt si fortè quis recedat ex corpore, necessario vitae suae viatico non defraudetur. Quod si desperatus aliquis recepta Communione superuixerit, si… inter eos qui sola oratione cō municant. De omnibus tamen his qui a corpore recedunt in tradendo eis Communionem, & cura & probatio sit episcopi. But concerning them which depart out of this bodye, the rule of the auncient lawe shalbe obserued euen nowe also, so that if perhaps any depart out of y^e body, he may not be defrauded of the necessary prouision of his life. But if any being at the point of death after he hauehave receiued the Communion, do recouer & liue, let him be among them that communicate in prayer onelyonly. Neuerthelesse, concerning all those men that depart out of y^e body, in deliuering to them the communion, let both the charge and the tryal be in the bishops discretion.

This Canon was not made for all Christian men, that at times of publike administration of the sacraments might freely be partakers, but onelyonly of such as were excommunicated & appointed a time of penance for their tryall, before they should be admitted to the Lordes supper: before which time, if they were at the point of death, and the bishop allowed of their repentance, this Canon prouideth, that they might be receiued to the Communion, for their comfort: but yet so; that if any did recouer and liue, they shuld accomplish their time among the penitentes that was before enioyned them. This thing being so apparant, what shall wee saye of these English Louanistes, that either they neuer read the bookes out of which they cite their authorities, or else without all shame they wrest them against their owne conscience?

The 19. difference, is the reseruation of the sacrament, wherein, as I confesse in some erronious kinde of reseruation wee differ from some of the primitiue Church, so they differed from Christ, which cōmaunded it to be eaten and dronken. And it is manifest, y^t p. 103their reseruation differed from the popish reseruation, both in the manner and in the ende. But concerning reseruation, I referre the reader to mine answere to D. Heskins first booke Cap. 24. 25. 26. & 27. where you shall finde all his authorities discussed, except the 14. Canon of the Councell of Nice, out of which hee alledgeth, that the Deacons might, absente Episcopo & presbitero proferre communionem & comedere. In the absence of the Bishop and priest, take out the communion and receiue it. Whereby he sayeth, it is euident, that it was reserued in the Churches, where the Deacons might come to receiue it. But I must admonish the reader, y^t these wordes which he citeth are an addition of Gratian and the popish church, and are not in the true copies in Greeke of that Councell, nor in the right Latine translation, as euen Peter Crabb the Papist confesseth, nor yet in the edition of Ruffinus. But such draffe and dregges of falsifications, additions, detractions, mutations, &c. are good ynough for popishe swyne.

The 20. difference is blessing with the signe of the Crosse: for fortification of which piece, he referreth the reader to Martials treatise of the Crosse. And I to M. Calfhils Aunswere, and my Reioynder.

The 21. difference is benediction of the bishop, which he sayeth is mocked at and reuiled by Protestantes. But he sayeth vntruely: for although wee may iustly deride the vaine ceremoniall casting of crosses in the ayre of their bitesheepes rather then bishops, with their two fingers, which is nothing else but a ridiculous superstition, yet wee contemne not the godly benediction of a Christian Bishop and pastour, which vseth the same according to the word of God. Therefore the examples of Nectarius which desired the benediction of his Bishop Diodorus at his departure, and Aurelius which blessed Augustine and his company, after he had visited them, shewe no difference of them from vsus. And if Eudo…ia the Empresse p. 104desired Chrisostome to blesse her sonne Theodosius his godson. What did Chrysostome but pray for him, and with him well in the name of the Lorde? And how did Diodorus blesse Nectarius? And Aurelius blesse Augustine and the rest, but by godly prayer made to God for them? not with vaine, dombe & idle ceremonies after the Popish manner. So that the manner of blessing of the auncient times, doeth rather proue a difference of Papistes from them, then of vsus from them. And moreouer you may consider, how to make vp a number of differences, what small matters he is fayne to flye vntounto, and euen such as he hath no shewe of holde at all in the writers of the auncient Church of 600. yeares after Christ, for them. But onelyonly to set a face of the matter, as though there were nothing newe amongest them, when not onelyonly their ceremonies, but also many of the principall articles of their doctrine, wherein they differ from vsus, were either not heard of in those ages, or else were openly impugned by writers of those times. OnelyOnly the dregges and refuse of the former age they retayne, as prayer for the deade, inuocation of Saintes, and a fewe other such matters.

CAP. VII.

Of pilgrimage and reliques,Stapleton. of Church seruice, of Altars, of Church ornaments & holy vessels, of the ecclesiasticall …onsure, and of holy water.

The 22. difference is pilgrimage to holy places,Fulke. especially to Rome. In deede we finde that peregrination to Ierusalem was esteemed of many, and great resort to Rome, of the wiser sort not for the holinesse of the places, but for the frequence of godly & learned men then liuing in those places. Otherwise for the holynesse of the place, S. Hierom ad Paulinum, whether M. Sapleton sendeth vsus, doth sufficiently declare p. 105what was to be esteemed of it. Non Hierosolymis fuisse, sed Hierosolymis bene vixisse laudandum est. It is no praise to hauehave beene at Hierusalem, but to hauehave liued well at Hierusalem. And speaking euen of our owne countrye, he addeth. Et de Hierosolymis & de Britannia aequaliter patet aula coelestis. The court of heauen is open equally, from Ierusalem and from Britain. Againe: Beatus Hilarion cùm Palestinus esset & in Palestina viueret, vno tantùm die vidit Hierosolimam, vt nec contemnere loca sancta propter vicinitatem, nec rursus dominum loco claudere videretur. Blessed Hilarion when he was a Palestine borne, and liued in Palestine, sawe Ierusalem but one day only, that neither he might seeme to contemne the holy places because of neerenesse, nor againe to shut vp the Lorde in a place. And because Master Stapleton maketh pilgrimage a matter of faith, he sayth further: After hee hath shewed how many excellent men neuer came at Ierusalem, &c. Quorsum inquies haec tam longo repetita principio? Videlicet ne quicquam fidei tuae deesse putes, quia Hierosolymam non vidisti. Thou wilt say, to what ende are these thinges fetched from so long a beginning? verely, that thou shouldest not thinke any thing to be wanting to thy faith, because thou hast not seene Ierusalem. Thus Hierome, albeit it was much vsed, yet iudged peregrination vntounto Ierusalem, to be a matter of small importance.

By Chrysostom sayeth, Hom. 5. de beato Iob: that if strength of body did serue, & that he were not letted with the charge of his Church, he would hauehave trauelled to Rome, to see the cheines wherewith Saint Paul was bound. And this Stapleton wil warrant, to hauehave beene done without superstition. I would faine knowe howe he will discharge this saying of his in the same homely, eyther of superstition, or of an excessiue commendation. Si quis me coelo condonet omni, vel ea qua pauli manus vinciebatur catena, illam ego honore praeponerem. If any man coulde giuegive mee all p. 106heauen, or else that chayne, wherewith Saint Paules hande was bounde, I woulde preferre that chaine in honour. Excuse this if you can, so it be not with a rethoricall exornation, for y^e you cannot abyde. Neuerthelesse, the same Chrisostom sheweth, y^t it was not needefull for obtaining remissiō of finnes, to take in hande any pilgrimage. In Epist. ad Phil. Hom. Non opus est in longinqua peregrinando transire, nec ad remotissimas ire nationes, non pericula, non labores tolerare, sed velle tantummodo. There is no neede to go a pilgrimage into farre countryes, nor to go to the furthest nations, nor to suffer perils nor trauels, but onelyonly to be willing. Now let the wisedome of the Papistes take heede, as he admonisheth the wisdome of the Protestantes, that they charge not Chrysostome with the heresie of sola fides, or licentious libertie, more then wee checke him for superstition. The like of remission of sinnes, without pilgrimage, he sayeth: Hom. de. Anima & educatione Samuelis, which is as contrary to y^• draffe of popish pilgrimage, as the peregrination vsed in this day is out of vse with vsus. For Papists were wont to make pilgrimage a meritorious worke, and many had it in penance persuaded by their ghostly father, they could not otherwise hauehave remission of their sinnes, except perhaps by a Popes pardon, with a commutation of penance. Concerning the place of Augustine, which he citeth Ep. 137. It proueth no ordinary pilgrimage then in vse, but onelyonly sheweth Augustines deuise in a case of such doubt, as he coulde not finde out the trueth betweene one that was accused and his accuser, that it was not amisse they shuld both trauell to some such place, where miracles are sayed to be wrought, if happely there in such place, the trueth might be reuealed by miracle.

And yet I confesse not vrged by any thing Stapleton sayth, that Augustine else where speaketh of peregrination to Rome in Psal. 85. Quales isti principes venerunt de Babylone? Principes credentes de saeculo, p. 107principes venerunt ad vrbem Roman, quasi caput Babylonis, non ierunt ad templum imperatoris, sed ad memoriam piscatoris. What are these princes that came from Babylon? Princes of the world that beleeue, the princes came to Rome, as to the head of Babylon, they went not to the temple of the Emperour, but to the memorie of a Fisher.

To conclude, as there was vsed Peregrination to Ierusalem, and other places to the memories of Martyrs, so was there neuer any pilgrimage to images, which is the greatest pilgrimage of Papistes, within the 600. yeres mentioned, wherein Papists differ as much from their practise, as we, and more also.

The 23. difference is the reuerence of reliques, vsed within the 600. yeres, as witnesseth Basil, Chrysostome and other. The reliques or bodyes of the Saints we reuerence, so farre as we hauehave any warrant out of the holy Scriptures. Neither did those auncient fathers, (although immoderate in that kinde of reuerence) yet make idols of them, nor set them bare to be seene or handled, and worshipped, but laide vp in the earth, as I hauehave before shewed out of Cyrillus: Lib. 10. Contra Iulianum. But what inconuenience grewe by that excessiue esteeming of the dead bodyes of the Saints, Sozomenus sheweth Li. 7. ca. 10. Pauli Constantinopolitani Episcopi corpus in Ecclesia repositum est, id quod & multos veritatis ignaros, praesertim mulieres, ac plures è plebe, in eam opinionem induxit, vt Apostolum Paulum ibi conditum esse putent. The body of Paul, Bishop of Constantinople, was buried in the Church, which thing brought many ignorant of the trueth, especially women, and many of the common people into this opinion, that they thinke the Apostle Paul to be buried there. But whereas in the end he wold hauehave vsus restore so many holy reliques of Abbeyes and Churches, as hauehave bene spoiled and prophaned, it is needlesse, seeing the Papistes can make as many when they list. Euen by the same cunning that they make some of the Apostles to hauehave two or three p. 108bodyes a piece, beside heades, armes, ribbes, and other partes in infinite places, whereof he that will heare more, let him reade Caluines booke of reliques, and credite him but as a reporter of that, which all the world is able to reproue him of, if he would wilfully feigne any thing.

The 24. difference is Alters, for proofe whereof he bringeth Chrysostome, and Augustine, which speake of Alters, whome also he confesseth to call the same tables, but that neither in matter nor fourme, they were like Popish Alters, but tables in deede made of boordes, and remoueable, and standing in the middest of the Church, I hauehave shewed sufficiently in mine aunswere to Doctor Heskins, lib. 3. cap. 31. by which it is proued, that the Papistes and not we, differ from the primitiue Church in this point.

The 25. difference is Latine seruice, which he would proue out of Bede by the bookes that Gregorie sent to Augustine, which could be none other but Latine. But howe proue you that those bookes were seruice bookes? or that if they were seruice bookes, thei were not translated into the vulgare tongue? As for the fortification of this piece, by the elder times he referreth vsus to Doctor Hardings proofe against Master Iewels challenge. And to the same Bishops learned replie, doe I referre the reader for ouerthrowe of the same feeble fortresse of Harding.

The 26. difference is of Alter clothes, Church vestments, &c. Such Alter clothes and such vestments as Christ vsed in the celebration of the holy sacrament, we thinke not onelyonly to be sufficient, but also most conuenient, for the administration of the same. Neuertheles, if any other vestments, without superstitiō, be appointed by lawful authoritie, we thinke no strife or contention is to be raised for so small matters.

But let vsus see, of what antiquitie he will make the holy vestments. First Tertullian Lib. de Monogam, maketh mention of Infulas, the vpper garment of the p. 109Priest. But he might vnderstand Tertullian (if he were disposed) to vse that terme but in derision of them, that when they would be proude against the Cleargie, they alledged, that we are all Priestes, &c. but when we are called (saide he) to the same seueritie of discipline with the Cleargie, deponimus infulas & pares sumus, we put off our Rochets, and we be priuate men. This infula was the apparell of the Heathen Priestes, to which he alludeth, when he scoffeth at them, that in dignitie would be Priestes, but in discipline Lay men. The Albe which is spoken of Con. Carthag. 4. Can. 41. was nothing like your Popish Albe, but a white garment, which was vsed in signe of dignitie, and was forbidden of the Deacons to be worne, but onelyonly in time of the oblation and reading Saint Iohns Petalum, if he could tell what to make of it, he would not call it generally a pontificall vestment. Saint Iohn was a poore Pontifex, to goe in pontificalibus. The rich garment which Constantine gaue to the Church of Ierusalem, if it had bene a cope, (as he saith) it had bene an vnhandsome garment to daunce in, as the storie saith, it came into the handes of one that daunced in it. The admonition that he giueth to such as sleepe in Church goodes, meaning belike, such as hauehave their beddes garnished with olde copes, were more meete to be made to some of his benefactours, that sleepe in Abbeyes, and yet will not awake out of them.

To conclude, although there is some mention of garmentes, applied specially for the vse of diuine seruice, yet the Popish tragicall trumperie of this time, differeth as much from them in forme and vse, as they doe in time and age.

The 27. difference is of holy vessels: such vessels as are comely and decent for the ministration of the sacraments, we hauehave without superstition, which beginning to growe in the auncient times, the Fathers did rather reproue then foster. p. 110Gregorie Nazianzen, whome he citeth in his Oration aduers. Arrianos, & de se ipso, speaking of the ministring vessels that might not be touched of many, meaneth Allegorically of prophaning the mysteries of Christian religion, alluding to the prophanation of the vessels of the Iewish temple by Nabuzardan and Balthasar, as his words doe plainely shewe. foreign &c. What ministring vessels not be touched of many, hauehave I deliuered to the handes of the wicked, either to Nabuzardan, or to Balthasar, which rioted wickedly in holy things, and suffred punishment worthie of his madnesse.

Chrysostome reproued the preposterous superstition of the people, which durst not touch the holy vessels, but yet feared not to defile them selues with sinne, In ep. ad Eph. H. 14. Non vides, &c. Doest thou not see, those holy vessels? Be they not alwaies vsed to one purpose? Dare any man vse them to any other purpose? Nowe art thou thy selfe more holy then these vessels, and that by much. Why then doest thou pollute and defile thy selfe? He hath forgotten Exuperius Bishop of Tholosse, which caried the Lordes body in a wicker basket, and his bloud in a glasse, when he maketh so much adoe about holy vessels. Hier. ad Rusticum, Acacius Bishop of Amida is commended for melting the vessels of the Church of golde and siluer, to redeeme prisoners from the Persians.

The 28. difference, is the shauen crown… of Priestes, for antiquitie whereof, he citeth Eusebius in Panegyric. Vos amici Dei sacerdotes lōgae talari veste & corona insignes. Ye friends of God, ye Priests seemly by your long side garment and crowne. Verily he is worthy to be shorne on his poll, with a number of crownes, that vnderstandeth this of a shauen crowne. If nothing else could hauehave driuen him from this dreame, at least he should hauehave remēbred the solemne disputation whereof he spake immediately before in Beda, li. 5. ca. 22. by p. 111which it appeareth, that y^• Greekes were shorne square, and not round, and therefore Eusebius speaking to Greeke Priestes, would neuer hauehave called their square tonsure a crowne. But the wordes of Eusebius put all out of doubt. foreign &c. O ye friendes and Priestes of God, which are clothed with the holy long garment, and the heauenly crowne of glorie, and with the diuine vnction and the priestly robe of the holy Ghost, &c. Is there any blocke so senselesse, to thinke that he called a shauen head the heauenly crowne of glorie? Who seeth not, that in commendation of the spirituall dignitie of the Ministers of the Church, he alludeth to the Aaronicall attire of the Priestes of the lawe?

The next testimonie is out of the tripartite historie, that Iulian the Apostata to counterfet religion, shore him selfe to the hard eares, therefore religious men were then shorne There is no doubt, but the Cleargie, and such as professed sobrietie and modestie, vsed to poll their heades, whereas the licentious multitude delighted in long haires, which shearing or polling after grewe to a ceremonie, & from a ceremonie to a superstition: but small mention of the ceremonie there is, within the 600. yeares, and that toward the latter end of them. But where he compareth the scoffing that the Turke might make at the blessed passion of Christe, with such pleasant railing as Protestantes vse against their Friers coules, and shauen crownes, he sheweth in what blasphemous estimation he hath such vile dung of mens inuention, to compare it with the onelyonly price of our saluation.

The 29. differēce is holy water, for antiquitie wherof he alledgeth two myracles, the one out of Bede, li. 1. cap. 17. of Germanus, which with casting a fewe sprinkles of water into the sea, in the name of the Trinitie, assuaged a tempest. The other of Marcellus Bishop of p. 112Apamea, which when the temple of Iupiter could not be burned with fire, after praiers made, commaunded water signed with the crosse, to be sprinkled on the Alter, which done, the diuels departed, and the temple was set on fire, & burned. But these miracles wrought by water, proue not an ordinarie vse of holy water in the Church, in those times, as for the counterfet decree of Alexander the fift Bishop of Rome, is a worthie witnesse of such a worshipfull ceremonie. In the end of this chapter, he inueigheth against a newe tricke, which he saith, y^• preachers hauehave to make their audience cry, Amen. Cōparing it with the applause and clapping of handes, vsed in the olde time, but misliked of godly fathers, Chrysostome and Hierome. So that for the preacher to pray to God, an… to giuegive God thankes, whereto the people aunswereth …en, it is counted of Stapleton a newe tricke, and yet it is an auncient, as S. Paul 1. Cor. 14. vers. 16. But to make such a loude lye, that Sathan him selfe the father of lyes (I suppose) for his credites sake would be ashamed to make, in his owne person. Videlicet, that To teares, to lamenting or to bewayling of their sinnes, no Protestant yet moueth his audience. It is an olde trickes of a cankared stomaked Papist.

CAP. VIII.

Differences betweene the former faith of Catholikes,Stapleton. and the late newes of Protestants, concerning the gouernement and rulers of the Church.

The 30. difference is Synodes of the Cleargie,Fulke. which is a lewd and impudent slaunder, for we allowe them, and vse them, as all the world knoweth: but (saith he) no conclusion is made in them, but such as pleaseth the Parleament. This is a false lye, for although no constitution made in the conuocation, hath the force of a lawe, except it be confirmed by Parleament, yet many constitutions and Canons hauehave bene made, that p. 113were neuer confirmed by Parleament.

The 31. difference is imposition of handes, which is a meere slaunder, for that cerimonie is vsed of vsus in ordeining of Ministers, likewise where he saith, that whē all the Popish Bishops were deposed, there was none to lay handes on the Bishops that should be newely consecrated, it is vtterly false. For there was one of the Popish Bishops that continued in his place, there were also diuers that were consecrated Bishops in King Edwardes time, and although there had bene but one in that time of reformation, it had been sufficient by his owne Gregories resolution, Bed. lib. 1. cap. 27. An other example is Lib. 3. cap. 28. of Ceadda Archbishop of Yorke, consecrated by Wini Bishop of the West Saxons assisted by two Bryton Bishops, that were not subiect to the see of Rome: Bicause at that time, there was neuer a Bishop of the Romish faction in England but this Wini, who was also a Simoniake, and bought the Bishoprike of London for money. I speake not this, as though in planting of the Church, where it hath bene long time exiled, an extraordinarie forme of ordaining were not sufficient, but to shewe that the Papistes doe picke quarels, contrarie to their owne pretended recordes of antiquitie, and Catholike religion.

Where he inueigheth against the vnsufficiencie of a number of our Ministers, which are come out of the shop into the Cleargie, without giftes sufficient for that calling, as I can not excuse them, nor their ordeiners, so I dare be bolde to affirme, they are no worse either in knowledge or conuersation, then the huge rable of hedge Priestes of Poperie.

The 32. difference, that such Bishops as were created by the Archbishops of Canterburie and Yorke, were created by the appointment of the Pope. This is a shamelesse lye, for which he can bring no colour, either out of the first sixe hundreth yeares, or out of Bedes historie. Where he saith, If it can be shewed by any p. 114historie, that at any time by the meere temporall authoritie euer any Catholike Bishops were created, he d…re yelde and graunt that ours are lawfull Bishops. For aunswere, that Catholike Bishops of olde by as meere temporall authoritie were created, as any are created among vsus, I referre him to Bede lib. 3. cap. 7. & 29. lib. 4. cap. 23. of Agilbert and Wini by authoritie of Sonwalch, Wighard nominated by authoritie of Oswine and Egbert, Ostfor consecrated at the commaundement of king Edilred, beside Wini made Bishop of London for money by Wulfher king of Mercia, which authoritie he could not hauehave abused, except it had bene in him lawfully to vse.

The 33. difference is, that Princes had not the supreme gouernement in ecclesiastical causes. For proofe whereof, he alledgeth Gregorie Nazianzen, and Saint Ambrose, both which speake not of chiefe authoritie, but of knowledge of spirituall matters, which is not to be sought ordinarily in Princes, but in the Cleargie. Secondly, he citeth Caluine and Illyricus, which do write against such ciuill Magistrates, as thinke by their supremacie, they hauehave absolute authoritie to decree what they wil in y^e Church, wheras we in England neuer attribute so much to the Princes authoritie, but that we alwayes acknowledge it to be subiect to God and his word. The Papistes right well vnderstand this distinction, but it pleaseth them to vse this ambiguitie of supreme authoritie, to abuse the ignorance of the simple.

The 34. difference is, that the Bishops and godly men in matters of doubt counselled with the Pope of Rome, so did the Pope of Rome with them, while there was any modestie in him, so did Pope Sergius aske counsel of poore Beda. Math. West. Nay, but Saint Hierome so well learned, consulted with Pope Damasus, which entred his See with the slaughter of sixtie persons. I might aunswere, that Damasus also asked counsell of Saint Hierome. So that in him which is p. 115consulted, there is rather opinion of knowledge, then of authoritie. But Hierome confesseth, that he will not separate him selfe from the Church of Rome, &c. Ep. ad. Dam. 2. So long as the Church of Rome was the Church of Christ, there was great cause he should ioyne with it. But nowe is it ceased to be the spouse of Christ, and is become an adulteresse, as the prophete saith of Ierusalem, yea it is become Babylon, the mother of all abhominations, and therefore that heauenly voice commaundeth all Christians to depart out of her. But concerning the Popes authoritie, I hauehave aunswered at large to D. Sanders rocke of the Popish Church.

The 35. difference, but I knowe not howe it differeth, is the Popes authoritie abolished, by whom Christianitie was first in this land receiued. It is wel known, that there was Christianitie before Gregorie sent Augustine, not of Popelike authoritie, but of godly zeale as it seemeth to winne the English nation to Christe. After followeth a large complaint, for abolishing the Popes authoritie, a Canon inuectiue against discentions among vsus, and slight fortification of the Popes authoritie, for vnities sake, out of Hierome Cont. Iouinian. & Cyprian de simpl. prael. aunswered at large in the discouerie of D. Sanders Rocke.

The 36. difference, Augustine came first in presence of the king, with a crosse of siluer, and an image of Christ painted in a table. The Protestants beganne with taking away the crosse, and altering the Letanie. But this part is left vnfortified, except it be with a marginall note, that Chrysostome vsed in Letanies, crosses of siluer, and burning tapers. In deede I reade Chrysostome had certaine candlestickes or cressets of siluer, made in fourme of a crosse, to carie lightes vponupon them, in the night season, but not of any tapers burning by day, & caried before the crucifixe after the Popish maner. Socr li. 6. ca. 8. but hereof ye may see more in mine aunswere to Martials replie. Articl. 7.

p. 116The 37. difference Augustine and his companie to the number of fourtie were Monkes. The first preachers of this no faith were runagate Monkes and Apostate Friers. Their learning, godlinesse, and iust cause of departing out of those Cloysters of vncleane birdes, is sufficiently testified to the world.

The 38. difference, the preachers which were traded vp by them, were of a vertuous, lowly, simple, poore, and meeke conuersation. Then were they very vnlike your Popish prelates. But Luther complaineth, that his schollers were more wicked, then vnderunder the pope. If some were so, it followeth not that all are so. Againe, Beza solde his benefice to two men, if he had no confessed it him selfe, Stapleton might neuer hauehave knowne of it. Afterward he raised rebellion for a signe of his vocation, and persuaded Poltrot to murther the Duke of Guise, or else Stapleton belyeth him. What Mallot and Pieroreli were I knowe not, I doubt not, but they were honester then many Popes hauehave bene. Knokes was a Galley slaue three yeares. The more wicked those Papistes which betrayed him into the Galley. The master whereof was glad to be rid of him, bicause he neuer had good successe, so long as he kept that holy man in slauerie, whome also in daunger of tempest, though an errant Papist, he would desire to commend him and his Galley to God in his praiers. The eiection of the Nobles from Zuicherland, is as truely imputed to the Zuinglians by your authour Staphylus, as al the rest of his slaunders and monstrous lyes are to be credited, which was done by the Papistes in that countrie, almost two hundreth yeares before Zuinglius was borne. Christerne King of Denmarke, was expelled his realme for his tyrannie, by all the states, before they receiued the Gospell. Howe dutifull the doing of the Protestants in Fraunce hath bene, let the kinges owne actes of Pacification testifie, which alwayes dischargeth them of rebellion, and acknowledgeth all that they hauehave done, to hauehave bene done p. 117in his seruice.

The 39. difference, voluntarie pouertie in Augustine not found in the first planters of this newe trim tram. A matter worthie to be aunswered with a whim wham. It were easie to shewe howe many hauehave forsaken great dignities and liuings among the Papistes, to become poore preachers of the Gospell.

CAP. X.

Differences concerning the consequences and effectes of the first faith planted among vsus,Stapleton. and of the pretensed faith of Protestantes.

The 40. difference, they that were conuerted, Fulke.builded Churches and Monasteries, Protestants pull downe Monasteries, Churches, Chappels, Hospitals, and Almes houses, In the table of differences, I hauehave shewed, howe much those Monasteries then builded, differed from Popish Abbeyes: & where he chargeth Protestants with pulling downe all Monasteries, he forgetteth that Cardinall Wolsee by the Popes authoritie pulled downe the first in our time that were suppressed, and that the Popish Cleargie consented to the acte of suppression, which were y^e diuell rather then Protestants. For Hospitals and Almes houses, it is a slaunder, except some priuate person of couetousnesse hath ouerthrowne any. As for Churches and Chappels builded by vsus, so many as are necessarie, it is apparant to the world. Almes houses and Hospitalls by vsus are erected, such as are none in Poperie. The Vniuersities also are augmented, both in buildings and reuenues, since the pulling downe of Abbeyes.

The 41. difference, in Monasteries, God God was serued day and might with externall prayer at midnight. Although rising at midnight ordinarily be an inconuenient houre in many respectes, and therefore we hauehave no ordinarie praier at that time, yet hauehave we earely in the p. 118morning before it be day, in many places, exercise of prayer and preaching, neither was it at midnight that the nunnes of Berking sung their Lawdes & Hymnes. lib. 4. cap. 7. for it was after Matutines, which could not be but in the morning, although early, & before day.

The 42. the deuotion of those christians brought in voluntary oblations, which are now ceased, and due tithes grudged as.

The voluntary oblations of the godly, are not now wanting, where neede is.

The 43. the Princes & higher power endewed the bishopriks with landes, now they take them away. It was necessary when they had none before, but were newly erected. If any be now taken away, and sufficient left, it is not the matter we regarde, but good proceeding of the Gospell: if couetousnesse of any man procure from the Churche, where it wanteth, they shall answere it and not we.

The 44. Ethelbert established Christianitie by lawes. Making special statutes and decrees for the indemnitie and quiet possession of the Churche goodes and of the Cleargie. Now no state is more open to the oppression then the Cleargie. If Ethelbert established Christianitie, by lawes, he did more then Papistes would hauehave Princes to doe nowe. But if the Cleargie be nowe oppressed, it is not for want of good lawes, or good will in the prince & higher powers to defende it, but by occasion of a number of dissembling Papistes, to whome execution of iustice in some places is committed.

The 45. difference is vnitie them, where is discention now. God be praysed, we consent in all articles necessary to eternall saluation, and if the Scottes by our example are come to the same vnity of faith with vsus, it is the Lordes worke, for whom we giuegive him harty thanks.

The conclusion of this fantasticall Fortresse is an exhortation to Papistes, not to dissemble their Papistry, nor to communicate with vsus, disswading them by many examples of such as yeelded not to the persecution of the Arrian heretikes.

But seeing by the worde God, we can not be conuinced p. 119of heresie, those examples make nothing aagainst vsus.

And yet I wishe the Papistes (if it be not Gods will to open their eyes that they may see the truth) yet to giuegive ouer their dissembling, and openly to shew them selues as they are. For whether their religion be good or badde, dissembling and counterfetting can not be but euil.

God be praysed.

p. 121A REIOYNDER TO Iohn Martials reply against the answere of Maister Calfhill, to the blasphemous treatise of the Crosse.

By W. Fulke D. in diuinitie.